Concerns over the continued use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)

3 April 2025
The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned with the continued use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) by the Sri Lankan state. According to media reports, a youth was recently arrested under the PTA for allegedly pasting stickers that criticised the actions of Israel in Gaza. It is also concerning that the Government has over the past five months utilised the PTA on several occasions including for alleged conduct that has seemingly no known link to terrorism. Furthermore, the arrest of an individual on the basis of voicing an opinion is alarming with wide implications on the right to free speech and dissent. 

This is against the backdrop of President Dissanayake and the Government promising in their campaign manifesto to abolish ‘all oppressive acts including the PTA and ensuring civil rights of people in all parts of the country’. CPA also notes that the President and others in the Government have in the past demanded for the repeal of the PTA, acknowledging then of the abuse caused by the PTA. Despite repeated promises to repeal the PTA, it is regrettable that the Government has backtracked on their own statements, and continues to use the PTA.

CPA and several others have, over the decades, continuously called for the repeal of the PTA. This law, initially introduced as a temporary provision, and later extended as a permanent law, has been used to terrorise generations of Sri Lankans, largely targeting those from ethnic and religious minorities, activists, dissidents, and journalists and normalised torture, with it entrenching a culture of impunity. Such practices should remain in Sri Lankas past, with the Government needing to make a clear break that sees an immediate moratorium of the PTA and its repeal. 

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Letter to the Minister of Women and Child Affairs

On the occasion of International Women’s Day, I write on behalf of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) to urge immediate attention to urgent law and policy reforms towards women empowerment and gender equality. We recognise your efforts, particularly during the CEDAW intervention in February this year, towards upholding and advancing the rights of women in Sri Lanka. However, considering the ground realities we have seen in our years working with communities across the island, there is much work to be done in this regard.

We believe that your leadership is critical at this moment to drive interventions that address multi- dimensional vulnerabilities faced by women and gender minorities in Sri Lanka. Between November 2024 and February 2025, CPA also wrote to his excellency President Dissanayake and Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, Minister of Justice and National Integration, to raise issues regarding key interventions that are required in the upcoming months to uphold the rights of the Sri Lankan citizenry, including these vulnerable groups.

CPA’s ongoing work with women and other marginalised and vulnerable groups emphasises the importance of engaging diverse stakeholders transparently in shaping the reform process. Collaborative approaches that take into account diverse perspectives can significantly enhance the effectiveness and sustainability of reform initiatives.

In this regard, annexed to this letter are several areas with relevance to gender and sexual rights where CPA believes intervention is required. These areas have been categorised under the following three-fold framework: (1) Law Reforms and Policy Interventions, (2) Socio-economic rights, includingAccess to Land, Livelihoods and Natural Resources and (3) Representation, Reconciliation and Identity. CPA urges your ministry to prioritise these areas for intervention in the upcoming legislative and policy agenda and hopes that immediate steps will be taken to build a system of justice that reflects the aspirations of all Sri Lankans. CPA also welcomes an opportunity to discuss these matters with you further and offers our continued support in implementing reforms aimed at empowering women and advancing gender equality to transform Sri Lanka. We look forward to your response and to seeing positive steps in this regard.

Yours sincerely,

Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu

Executive Director

 

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Calls for a Public Prosecutor’s Office – The Urgent need for reforms

19 February 2025

In early February 2025, media reported of the Attorney General’s intention to discharge three suspects in case number B 92/2009. The case was linked to the murder of senior editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, and the decision to discharge the suspects led to criticisms from sections of society. This resulted in President Anura Kumara Dissanayake meeting with the Attorney General where it was reported that the Attorney General maintained his position that there was a lack of evidence for a prosecution. Since then, it is reported that the CID has produced more evidence, and the discharge of the suspects has been temporarily suspended. These incidents drew into sharp focus the need to ensure the independence of prosecutorial decisions, in order to ensure that relevant decisions can be made independent of any political considerations and in the interest of justice.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has continuously called for the independent prosecution of all emblematic cases, many of which have seen little to no progress despite the promise to pursue accountability. The assassination of Lasantha Wickrematunge is one such case. In a context of political influence and interference with the investigations and prosecutions of emblematic cases, CPA has consistently advocated for the setting up of an independent public prosecutor’s office in Sri Lanka.

Considering the setbacks with pursuing justice, the proposed office must be insulated from political interference, and have the required expertise and resources to prosecute cases that may otherwise be prone to political interference. Despite the need to reform the present justice sector, successive governments have been unable or unwilling to introduce the required reforms to implement a structure that ensures independence and accountability. CPA notes the commitment by then candidate Dissanayake to introduce a ‘Directorate of Public Prosecution (DPP) as a mechanism to eliminate delays within the judicial system and establishing a main DPP office and sub offices in the provinces which will remain independent of the Attorney General’s Department to conduct cases on behalf of the government’  in his election manifesto.

Most recently, the Minister for Justice and National Integration has taken steps to appoint an expert committee as an initial step in establishing an independent prosecutor’s office. CPA notes such a process must be inclusive and must involve the participation of those who have called for justice sector reforms, including victims, lawyers, academics, civil society and others. Such a process facilitates a greater discussion on key issues, engages relevant stakeholders and garners trust in the fact that the present government is genuinely interested in initiating reforms in a transparent and accountable manner. Further, such a step will instil confidence among the public that reforms are meant to strengthen the rule of law and democracy in Sri Lanka and not merely as a token gesture to appease sections of society.

Against such a background, CPA has prepared this Q&A surrounding the need for a Public Prosecutor’s Office. This Q&A is not meant to be exhaustive, but is meant to be a resource that can be used to constructively engage with the existing discourse around the Public Prosecutor’s Office.

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Navigating Sri Lanka’s Economic Precarity: The Need to Address Foundational Issues in Governance

A robust economic recovery for Sri Lanka requires an understanding of how the country fell into economic precarity. The learnings of both the Civil Society Governance Diagnostic Report and the International Monetary Fund’s Governance Diagnostic Assessment of Sri Lanka made it apparent that Sri Lanka’s economic crisis is first a crisis of governance. In other words, Sri Lanka’s economic crisis is primarily the product of issues in governance rather than economic failure. Moreover, unless the “foundational governance issues” are addressed the policies and plans for debt sustainability and economic recovery are likely to “be on shaky ground” (TISL 2023: 3). As the aforementioned reports already identify Sri Lanka’s governance issues and offer recommendations, this Brief does not replicate that exercise. Instead, it intends to tangibly demonstrate how said issues contributed to the economic crisis through a selection of case studies. More specifically, the Brief demonstrates how the excessive powers and discretion held by the executive branch of government, as well as weaknesses in tax policy and revenue administration, the public sector, public procurement, central bank governance, and anti-corruption — all issues of governance — heavily contributed to Sri Lanka’s economic crisis.

Of the issues and subsequent case studies examined within the Brief, a few are worth reiterating here. Firstly, the concentration of power within the executive presidency, intended to enable decisive action towards economic development, has resulted in unilateral and opaque decision-making. This has, in turn, facilitated incompetence or corruption. Presidential decisions that contributed to the crisis demonstrate this issue. For instance, in 2019, then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa disregarded economic expertise and introduced a tax policy that severely reduced government tax revenue. This adversely affected the country’s capacity to repay debt and further depleted its foreign currency reserves, catalysing Sri Lanka’s trajectory towards national insolvency. The lack of checks and balances on the President meant that there was no way to prevent him for following through on his reckless election promises even though the danger was foreseen. Therefore, it is essential to abolish the executive presidency and vest its powers in the collective deliberation and decision-making of Parliament. At a minimum, reducing individual discretion in decision-making will prevent the colossal errors that have resulted from the absence of checks and balances on the executive presidency.

Secondly, government expenditure in the public sector is excessive and has little impact. The large number of public sector employees burdens the government purse, nor does it have anything to show for it in the form of efficient public service delivery. The military illustrates this in having and spending on far too many personnel which does not translate to the country’s defensive needs. This is unlikely to be the only example of this from the public sector. The public sector should be proportionate to each government department’s needs.

Thirdly, the state must have a coherent rationale for engaging in the market. Due to its limited capacity with state-owned enterprises, the state should exit competitive markets where the private sector can deliver goods and services more cheaply, efficiently, and at better quality. Before being acquired back by the Sri Lankan government in 2008, Sri Lankan Airlines managed a profit of LKR 9.29 billion in its last year of private operation (The Sunday Times 2016). Despite increased tourism and low fuel prices over the next seven years, Sri Lankan Airlines as a state-owned enterprise experienced a loss of LKR 128.2 billion (ibid.). Privatising such state-owned enterprises would boost tax revenue, productivity, and reduce government expenses.

Lastly, the absence of punitive action against corruption has resulted in its prevalence throughout government. It is essential that anti-corruption measures are shielded from political influence and sufficiently resourced to recover losses due to corruption, and more importantly, to serve as a deterrent to corruption. Ensuring the autonomy of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery and Corruption and establishing an independent Public Prosecutor’s office are first steps in that regard.

Of course, this Brief does not exhaustively discuss Sri Lanka’s issues in governance that contributed to the crisis. However, the central takeaway is that Sri Lanka is experiencing a crisis of governance and its recovery from national insolvency and overall economic precarity necessitates addressing the foundational governance issues that plague the country.

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Letter to the Honourable Minister of Justice

Following the Presidential and Parliamentary elections, the National People’s Power (NPP) has been entrusted with a significant mandate by the people of Sri Lanka, presenting you with the opportunity to drive key reforms to restore public trust, transparent governance, justice, and accountability. On behalf of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), I am writing to you to urge immediate attention to the law and policy reforms within the areas of justice and national integration.

The Aragalaya highlighted the critical need for comprehensive governance reforms, drawing attention to long-standing public demands for decisive measures against corruption and the pervasive lack of accountability that have severely undermined trust in state institutions. In this context, CPA and other stakeholders have repeatedly underscored the urgent need to address issues such as greater transparency and accountability, executive overreach, the politicisation of institutions, and the entrenched culture of impunity.

Moreover, the inability and unwillingness of successive governments to address the underlying causes of conflict has further entrenched societal divisions, intensified surveillance, and increased the risk of both reigniting existing conflicts and sparking new tensions. Of particular concern is the use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) on several occasions, between October and December 2024, which raises questions about the NPP’s campaign pledge to repeal oppressive legislation, including the PTA.

Considering the promises made during the campaign period and the massive mandate for reforms, CPA believes it is critical to initiate progressive reforms. CPA emphasises the importance of engaging with diverse stakeholders in a transparent manner in shaping reform processes. Collaborative approaches that take into account diverse perspectives can significantly enhance the effectiveness and sustainability of reform initiatives.

In this regard, annexed to this letter are several areas where CPA believes intervention is required. These areas have been categorised under a four-fold framework of (1) Governance and Accountability, (2) Law-Making, (3) Reconciliation, and (4) Legal reforms and addressing Structural Inequalities.

CPA urges your ministry to prioritise these areas for intervention in the upcoming legislative and policy agenda and hope that immediate steps will be taken to build a system of justice that reflects the aspirations of all citizens. CPA also welcomes an opportunity to discuss these matters further and offers our continued support in implementing the necessary reforms.

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An Open Letter to the President on the Urgent Need for Governance Reforms, Action gainst Corruption and the Lack of Accountability

1st November 2024

Centre for Policy Alternatives (Guarantee) Limited
6/5, Layards Road,
Colombo 5,
Sri Lanka

President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka,
Presidential Secretariat, Galle Face,
Colombo 1,
Sri Lanka

Your Excellency,

Sri Lanka has witnessed a busy few weeks since the Presidential election held in September 2024 and in the lead up to the parliamentary election to be held in November. Amidst developments on a range of issues, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) writes this letter to urge immediate action with key promises contained in your election manifesto. In a context where Sri Lanka continues to experience multiple challenges and is moving towards recovery from a debilitating economic crisis and cycles of violence, we wish to draw your attention to critical issues that require immediate attention.

The 2022 Aragalaya underscored the urgent need for governance reforms, demanding action against corruption and the lack of accountability that have eroded public trust. In this context, CPA and others have highlighted the critical need for governance reforms to address executive overreach, politicised institutions and the culture of impunity in Sri Lanka. In this regard, we recognise the commitment you voiced in your campaign to bring about meaningful governance reforms, to combat the culture of corruption in the country and to bring about accountability including the abolishing of the executive presidency.

Further, recent events yet again remind of Sri Lanka’s experiences with violence and fragile peace. The failure of successive governments to address the root causes of the conflict has deepened societal divisions, heightened surveillance with the potential to exacerbate existing conflicts and trigger new tensions. This is also at a time when the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) was reportedly used in October 2024, raising concerns of a key pledge you made to repeal oppressive laws including the PTA.

Amidst increasing challenges, it is critical you revisit the promises made in your manifesto and initiate a process of reforms in a transparent and inclusive manner. We note that many of these changes would require legislative action,  which can only be taken up after the new Parliament has convened, however we urge that the government reaffirm its commitment to the promises made and take the necessary preparatory action which would allow the new Parliament to move ahead with these reforms without delay.

  1. Governance and Accountability
  • Independent Institutions: It is essential to place adequate checks and balances on executive power and ensure that independent regulatory bodies are free from political interference. Abolishing the Executive Presidency and having effective oversight mechanisms are critical steps in this direction.
  • Strengthening Anti-Corruption Measures: Strengthening and full enforcement of anti-corruption laws and policies is essential. We urge the establishment of an independent public prosecutor’s office and clear accountability mechanisms for corruption-related offenses. We also urge the necessary allocation of funds to be made to the existing institutions to investigate cases of bribery and corruption and to initiate prosecutions. We would discourage initiatives to set up ad hoc initiatives to deal with these cases as such mechanisms have proven to be unsuccessful in the past.
  • Emblematic Cases: Ensuring transparent investigations and accountability in high-profile cases remains critical to restoring public trust. This includes expediting investigations into cases such as the Easter Sunday Attacks and several other emblematic cases.
  1. Constitutional Reform and Law-Making Process
  • Abolishing the Executive Presidency: There has long been a call for the abolition of the Executive Presidency, and your election to the office of President came with a commitment to be Sri Lanka’s final Executive President. We urge you to provide political leadership and initiate reforms in this regard.
  • Law-Making Process: We emphasise the importance of consultative, multi-partisan, and transparent processes in law-making, incorporating local expertise and public consultations. We urge that suitable amendments are made to standing orders in this regard.
  • Full implementation of the 13th Amendment: Implementing the 13th Amendment is the first step to indicate a commitment to addressing the national question and the decades long grievances of minorities in Sri Lanka. We note that implementing the existing constitutional provisions is an essential prerequisite to enhance confidence of ethnic and religious minorities and would reaffirm your commitment to your oath of office.
  • Legal Reform: We call for reforms to ensure that proposed laws comply with human rights standards, safeguarding against misuse that disproportionately impacts minorities. We particularly call for the repeal of the PTA and the Online Safety Act 2024. Proposed reforms such as the Anti-Terrorism Bill and the Non-Governmental Organisation Bill should be revisited, with meaningful and broad-based public consultations.
  1. Reconciliation
  • Reckoning for Past Violence: There needs to be a genuine effort at addressing the demands of victims from across Sri Lanka in their search for justice and truth. This should include initiating independent processes at accountability and truth telling with the objective of addressing the entrenched culture of impunity.
  • Land Rights: Immediate steps should be taken to halt land appropriation and return land to the rightful owners. Political leadership is also required in a comprehensive reparations programme that addresses restitution.
  • Demilitarisation: Reducing the military presence in the North and East and releasing lands held by the military coupled with security sector reforms will support reconciliation efforts. Steps should also be taken to disengage the military from civilian activities in relation to commercial activities and governance.
  1. Structural Inequalities
  • Addressing Socio-Economic Rights: Access to basic amenities, including health, education, sanitation and potable water, remains limited in certain regions. Providing the necessary resources and a commitment to expanding infrastructure in these areas will be instrumental in promoting education, public health, well-being, and overall quality of life.
  • Equitable Assistance Schemes: Concerns have been raised with the distribution of funds through government initiatives including the Aswesuma and Samurdhi schemes. Addressing these gaps in welfare schemes is essential to ensure that those in need can obtain support and start a process of addressing inequalities.
  • Address the Debt Burden of Women and Vulnerable Groups: Many women and marginalised communities, including the Malaiyaha community and indigenous groups remain disproportionately affected by debt, which restricts economic mobility and entrenches cycles of poverty. We advocate for targeted interventions and sustainable financial support mechanisms to relieve this burden and promote economic resilience among these groups.
  • Promote Sustainable Livelihoods and Stable Employment: Sustainable livelihoods and secure employment opportunities are essential to achieving long-term economic recovery. We encourage the creation of policies and programmes aimed at promoting stable employment, skill development, and access to sustainable economic opportunities across all communities.

We urge you to initiate the necessary action on the above areas without further delay and look forward to engaging in the furtherance of progressive reforms in Sri Lanka.

Thank you.

 

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CPA Statement on the death of Professor Kumar David

16 October 2024, Colombo: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes with deep sadness the passing at the age of 83 of Professor A. Kumar David – or as he was wont to describe himself, ‘the original AKD’.

Kumar was a brilliant scholar, an accomplished academic, tireless newspaper columnist, imaginative Marxist public intellectual, and a giant of the Old Left. A fuller account of his many lives, times, and achievements can be read here.

In both his conversation and his written word, Kumar had wit and wisdom as well as the ability to deal with intellectual disagreement with not only a supreme confidence and a gentlemanly civility but also with genuine and unaffected curiosity. While therefore Kumar took no prisoners and gave no quarter in debate, a deep understanding of the grammar of the political – borne of a lifetime of intelligent reading of political philosophies extending well beyond his own tradition – was in his DNA. He was, for example, enchanted by Adam Smith and perennially intrigued by Nicolo Machiavelli.

Attacking opponents with rote-learned assertions taken as post-political truths, with rabidity of tone replacing the quality of argument, is unfortunately now the increasingly dominant style of Sri Lankan political culture. It is however an approach that was far too pedestrian for the intellect and the moral gravity of Kumar and his generation of leftists, who were, moreover, possessed of a vast cultural hinterland beyond politics. An elegant dresser whether in occidental bowties or oriental linens, he was a connoisseur of fine wine, English literature, and Western classical music.

Kumar was a regular and valued contributor to CPA seminars and publications over the years. While our approaches differed, we were agreed on the basic forms of the solution for some of the biggest constitutional questions of our time. We agreed on the need for a federal-type response to ethno-territorial pluralism (or, ‘The National Question’, as Kumar would put it), and on the absolute necessity of the complete abolition of the executive presidential system if our flailing democracy was to be rescued. Kumar was also the progenitor – in 2012 – of the electoral strategy known as the ‘Single-Issue Common-Candidate’ concept which succeeded in achieving the first defenestration of the Rajapaksas in January 2015. In his last contribution to our work, Kumar reflected on this thoughtfully and candidly in CPA’s publication on the constitutional crisis of 2018.

We mourn the passing of a great Sri Lankan and offer our condolences at this difficult to time Kumar David’s family, friends, and comrades.

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Summary of Policy Proposals by Candidates for the 2024 Presidential Election

Sri Lanka’s presidential election is scheduled for Saturday, 21 September 2024. In anticipation of the election, many of the candidates have published manifestos detailing their visions for Sri Lanka. In the interest of comparing these visions for the country, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has prepared this document which categorises the policy proposals of the candidates in their manifestos. It was practically impossible to include the policy proposals made by all Presidential candidates in this document; as such, CPA had to limit itself to the manifestos of Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, Mr. Sajith Premadasa, Mr. Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Mr. Namal Rajapaksa.

CPA divided the candidates’ policy proposals into the categories of economic governance, constitutional reforms, rights and related issues, infrastructure and accountability, truth, and reconciliation. We present the candidates’ proposals across these categories in five tables below, relying only on the exact words used in each candidate’s manifesto.

The table on Economic Governance contains policy proposals made by candidates on the issues of Taxation, Procurement, Globalization, IMF and FDI and other economic issues.

The table on Constitutional Reform contains policy proposals made by candidates on the issues of abolition of the Executive Presidency, the 13th Amendment and devolution of power, and other constitutional amendments proposed by the candidates.

The table on Rights and Related Issues contains policy proposals made by the candidates on access to justice, access to health care and education, women and children’s rights, social safety nets and worker’s rights, delayed elections, environment and climate change, and cultural and media rights.

The table on Infrastructure contains policy proposals made by the candidates on infrastructure, transportation and energy and technological development.

The table on Accountability, Truth, and Reconciliation contains policy proposals made by the candidates on accountability for serious human rights violations, the implementation of a public prosecutor’s office, reconciliation, the support and protection of minority rights and national security.

The content of each column for candidates are direct quotations from their individual manifestos on specific issues. Though CPA recognises the intersectionality of issues of many of the policy proposals made by candidates, the quotations inserted have been categorised based on the strength of relevance to the issue and ease of reference for the reader. CPA hopes that this document will be a useful tool for all citizens interested in learning more about the candidates and for anyone who is interested in engaging in a deeper analysis of the key policy proposals put forward by the candidates.

The table containing the policy proposals on Economic Governance can be viewed here. 

The table containing the policy proposals on Constitutional Reform can be viewed here.

The table containing the policy proposals on Rights and Related Issues can be viewed here.

The table containing the policy proposals on Infrastructure can be viewed here.

The table containing the policy proposals on Accountability, Truth and Reconciliation can be viewed here.

Civil Society Appeal on the Abolition of the Executive Presidency

We the undersigned call upon all candidates contesting the forthcoming 2024 presidential election to firmly and publicly commit to the abolition of the executive presidential system within the first year of the next Parliament.

The experience of 46 years of the operation of the 1978 Constitution shows that the executive presidential system has not delivered on any of the aims for which it was introduced: accelerated and sustained economic growth and development; communal harmony; and political stability. Executive presidentialism has only had a negligible impact on development. It has worsened rather than improved peace and stability, by accelerating ethnic conflict and making our political system prone to frequent crises.

The executive presidential system produces these undesirable outcomes because, through its lack of accountability and responsiveness, it allows authoritarianism, corruption, and incompetence to trump the common good of Sri Lanka and Sri Lankans. We therefore strongly believe that this is the single most important reform that is essential for the meaningful and irreversible re-democratisation of Sri Lanka.

While recent experience since 2022 has only highlighted the autocratic potential of this system, we recall that in the history of presidential elections since 1988, there have been more popular mandates than not for the abolition of the executive presidency. Most recently, the people clearly made the connection between this system and the causes of bad governance and economic collapse when, during the Aragalaya of 2022, they called for ‘system change’. The only way ‘system change’ can even begin to be delivered is by abolishing the executive presidency.

 


මීළග පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පළමු වසර තුළදී ම විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කරන බවට ස්ථිරසාරව සහ විවෘතව පොරොන්දු වන ලෙස එළඹෙන 2024 ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් වන සියලූ ම අපේක්ෂකයින්ගෙන් පහත අත්සන් කරන අපි ඉල්ලා සිටින්නෙමු:

විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය හඳුන්වා දීම තුළින් අපේක්ෂා කළ ප‍්‍තිඵල කිසිවක්, එනම් කඩිනම් හා තිරසාර ආර්ථික දියුණුව සහ සංවර්ධනය, වාර්ගික සංහිඳියාව සහ දේශපාලන ස්ථාවරත්වය යන කිසිවක් අත්කර ගැනීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට නොහැකි වී ඇති බව 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව ක්‍රියාත්මක කර ගත වූ වසර 46 ක අත්දැකීම් වලින් පැහැදිලිව පෙන්වා දෙයි. විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය මගින් සංවර්ධනය කෙරෙහි ඇතිකර තිබෙන්නේ ඉතා අල්ප බලපෑමක් පමණි. එම ක්‍රමය විසින් මෙතෙක් සිදුකර තිබෙන්නේ වාර්ගික ගැටුම් තවදුරටත් තීව‍්‍ර කර, අපගේ දේශපාලන ක්‍රමය නිරන්තර අර්බුදවලට ගොදුරු වන තත්ත්වයකට ඇද දමා, සාමය සහ ස්ථාවරත්වය වැඩි දියුණු කරනවා වෙනුවට එය වඩාත් පරිහානියකට ඇද දැමීමයි.

විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය විසින් එවැනි අහිතකර ප්‍රතිඵල අත්කර දී තිබෙන්නේ එම ක‍්‍රමයෙහි වගවීමක් සහ ප්‍රතිචාරී බවක් නොමැතිකම හේතුවෙන් එය ඒකාධිපතිවාදයට, දූෂණයට සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සහ ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ගේ පොදු යහපත උදෙසා කටයුතු කිරීමට ඇති නොහැකියාවට ඉඩ සලසා දෙන බැවින් ය. එහෙයින්, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අර්ථාන්විත සහ නැවත ආපසු හැරවිය නොහැකි ලෙස ප්‍රජාතාන්ත්‍රීකරණය කිරීම සඳහා අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වන සහ වැදගත් ම සෘජු ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණය මෙය වන බව අපි තරයේ විශ්වාස කරන්නෙමු.

2022 වසරේ පටන් මෑත කාලීන අත්දැකීම් වලින් අවධාරණය වී තිබෙන්නේ මෙම විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය ඒකාධිපති ක්‍රමයක් කරා පරිවර්තනය වීමේ හැකියාවයි. 1988 ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් පසුව දිගටම ජනවරම ලැබී තිබෙන්නේ විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය පවත්වාගෙන යාමට වඩා එය අහෝසි කිරීමට ය. ඉතා මෑතක දී, එනම් 2022 අරගලය කාලය තුළදී ”ක්‍රම වෙනසක්” (”සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ්” එකක්* සඳහා ජනතාව වෙතින් පැමිණි ඉල්ලීමෙන් පැහැදිලිව ම පෙනෙන්නේ මෙම විධායක ජනාධිපති ක‍්‍රමය සහ දූෂිත ආණ්ඩුකරණයත්, ආර්ථික කඩාවැටීමත් අතර තිබෙන සම්බන්ධය ඔවුන්ට පැහැදිලිව ම වැටහී තිබෙන බවයි. ”ක්‍රම වෙනසක්” පටන් ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය මග පාදා ගැනීමට පවා හැකි වන්නේ විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කිරීමෙනි.


கீழே கையொப்பமிட்டுள்ளவர்களாகிய நாம், அடுத்த பாராளுமன்றத்தின் முதலாவது வருடத்தினுள் நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமையை ஒழிப்பதற்கு அர்ப்பணிப்புடன் உறுதியாகவும் பகிரங்கமாகவும் செயற்படுமாறு எதிர்வரும் 2024 ஜனாதிபதித் தேர்தலில் போட்டியிடும் அனைத்து வேட்பாளர்களுக்கும் அழைப்பு விடுக்கின்றோம்.

1978 அரசியலமைப்பின் 46 வருட காலத் அனுபவமானது, நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமை அறிமுகப்படுத்தப்பட்டமைக்கான நோக்கங்களான துரிதப்படுத்தப்பட்ட மற்றும் நீடித்து நிலைத்த பொருளாதார வளர்ச்சி மற்றும் அபிவிருத்தி இன ஐக்கியம் மற்றும் அரசியல் ஸ்திரத்தன்மை ஆகிய இலக்குகளில் எதனையும் அது நிறைவேற்றவில்லை என்பதை வெளிப்படுத்துகின்றது. நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமை அபிவிருத்தியின் மீது மிகவும் குறைந்தளவான தாக்கத்தினையே ஏற்படுத்தியுள்ளது. இது இன மோதலை விரைவடையச் செய்து, எமது அரசியல் முறைமையை அடிக்கடி நெருக்கடிகளுக்கு உள்ளாக்கும் நிலைக்குள் இட்டுச் செல்வதன் மூலம் அமைதி மற்றும் ஸ்திரத்தன்மையை மேம்படுத்துவதற்கு மாறாக மேலும் மோசமடையச் செய்துள்ளது.

நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமையில் பொறுப்புக்கூறல் மற்றும் பதிற்செயற்பாடாற்றல் என்பவை காணப்படாததன் காரணமாக இலங்கையினதும் இலங்கையர்களினதும் பொது நன்மையை நசுக்குவதற்கு எதேச்சாதிகாரம், ஊழல் மற்றும் தகைமையின்மை ஆகியவற்றை அனுமதிப்பதன் ஊடாக இத்தகைய விரும்பத்தகாத விளைவுகளை இந்த முறைமை உருவாக்குகின்றது. ஆகவே, இலங்கையின் அர்த்தபூர்வமான மற்றும் மாற்றத்தகாத மீள்-ஜனநாயகமயமாக்கலுக்கு அவசியமான மிக முக்கியமனான ஒரே மறுசீரமைப்பு இதுவே என நாம் உறுதியாக நம்புகின்றோம்.

2022ஆம் ஆண்டிலிருந்தான அண்மைக்கால அனுபவங்கள் இந்த முறைமையின் சர்வாதிகார இயலுமையை மாத்திரமே எடுத்துக் காட்டியுள்ள அதேவேளை, 1988ஆம் ஆண்டிலிருந்தான ஜனாதிபதித் தேர்தல்களின் வரலாற்றில், நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமையின் ஒழிப்பிற்கான ஆணையை விடப் பிரபலமான ஆணைகள் எதுவும் வழங்கப்பட்டிருக்கவில்லை என்பதை நாம் நினைவுபடுத்துகின்றோம். மிக அண்மையில், 2022ஆம் ஆண்டின் மக்கள் போராட்டத்தின்போது (அரகலய) ‘முறைமை மாற்றம்’ ஒன்றிற்காக மக்கள் அழைப்பு விடுத்தபோது, இந்த முறைமைக்கும் மோசமான ஆட்சி மற்றும் பொருளாதார வீழ்ச்சியின் காரணிகளுக்கும் இடையேயான தொடர்பினை அவர்கள் தெளிவாக தெரியப்படுத்தியிருந்தனர். ‘முறைமை மாற்றத்தை’ ஏற்படுத்துவதற்கான ஆரம்பமாக அமையும் ஒரே வழி நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமையை ஒழிப்பதாகும்.

 

List of Signatories

Individuals

        1. Geoffrey Alagaratnam, President’s Counsel
        2. Daniel Alphonsus
        3. Dr A.M. Navaratne Bandara
        4. Daneshan Casie Chetty
        5. Bishop Duleep de Chickera
        6. Anushaya Collure
        7. Anushya Coomaraswamy
        8. Dr Radhika Coomaraswamy
        9. Dr Tara de Mel
        10. Anoma De Silva
        11. Minoli de Soysa
        12. Visaka Dharmadasa
        13. Fr Noel Dias
        14. Rohan Edrisinha
        15. Nirmaleeni Eriyagama
        16. Priyanthi Fernando
        17. Suresh Fernando
        18. Rosanna Flamer-Caldera
        19. Bhavani Fonseka
        20. Dr Rajni Gamage
        21. Dr Mario Gomez
        22. Prof Savitri Goonesekera
        23. Prof Camena Gunaratne
        24. Sharmaine Gunaratne
        25. Melani Gunathilaka
        26. Dr Samanthi J. Gunawardana
        27. Dr Ruvaiz Haniffa
        28. Dr Sanjana Hattotuwa
        29. Tracy Holsinger
        30. Elijah Hoole
        31. Rajan Hoole
        32. Ameena Hussein
        33. K.W. Janaranjana, Attorney-at-law
        34. S.T. Jayanaga, President’s Counsel
        35. Chandra Jayaratne
        36. Prof T. Jayasingham
        37. Tissa Jayathilaka
        38. Dr Nihal Jayawickrama
        39. Sarah Kabir
        40. Dr Sakuntala Kadirgamar
        41. Prof Gamini Keerawella
        42. Dr Harshan Kumarasingham
        43. Jayanthi Kuru-Utumpala
        44. Danushka S. Medawatte
        45. Anura Meddegoda, President’s Counsel
        46. Buhary Mohamed
        47. Manoj Nanayakkara, Attorney-at-law
        48. Prof Arjuna Parakrama
        49. Prof H.R. Pasindu
        50. Dr Pradeep Peiris
        51. Binendri Perera
        52. Dr Jehan Perera
        53. Nadishani Perera
        54. Srinath Perera, Attorney-at-law
        55. Dinal Phillips, President’s Counsel
        56. Saliya Pieris, President’s Counsel
        57. Kalupahana Piyaratana
        58. Mirak Raheem
        59. Dr Ramesh Ramasamy
        60. Prof Ruvani Ranasinha
        61. Ravi Ratnasabapathy
        62. Roel Raymond
        63. Dr Kanchana Ruwanpura
        64. Athulasiri Kumara Samarakoon
        65. Jeanne Samuel
        66. Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
        67. Dr Kalana Senaratne
        68. Prof Tudor Silva
        69. Vanie Simon
        70. M.A. Sumanthiran, President’s Counsel
        71. Ermiza Tegal, Attorney-at-law
        72. Prof Chandragupta Thenuwara
        73. Sandun Thudugala
        74. Prof Deepika Udagama
        75. Prof Jayadeva Uyangoda
        76. Gamini Viyangoda
        77. Dr Asanga Welikala
        78. Dr Shamara Wettimuny
        79. Dr Jayampathy Wickramaratne, President’s Counsel
        80. Anoma Wijewardene
        81. Dr Roshan de Silva Wijeyeratne
        82. Dr Joe William
        83. Godfrey Yogarajah

      Organisations

        1. Alliance Development
        2. Association of War Affected Women
        3. Centre for Policy Alternatives
        4. Eastern Social Development Foundation
        5. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
        6. Institute of Political Economy
        7. Law and Society Trust
        8. Transparency International Sri Lanka

The Intersectional Trends of Land Conflicts in Sri Lanka

15 years after the end of the Civil War, Sri Lanka continues to experience deep ethnic divisions and has failed to address the root causes of the conflict that halt moving to a post-conflict society. Unfortunately, the decades-long problem of land has continued in the post-war setting, and new mechanisms of State intervention are creating divisions that deter the reconciliation processes. Land has been used to create an asymmetry of power in the Northern and Eastern regions for over three decades, and there is a growing trend of intrusive methods being employed in these regions, triggering fear amongst local communities. Therefore, the report’s objective is to shed light on the multifaceted role of the State and non-state authorities in issues around land ownership, use, and access, and explore how local communities respond to this oppression. It highlights how the State co-opts legislature, Government agencies, the military, and private corporations, creating long-term consequences for communities and for the nation to achieve a successful post-conflict society. CPA recognises a series of key interrelated trends between the multitude of rights infringements, i.e. ethnonationalism, continued Government authority intervention, military expansion, and the profit-making objectives of private entities.

The report elaborates on how the ethno-majoritarian bent has violated basic rights that must be protected. Hostilities are further intensified by non-state actors, particularly by the growing involvement of Buddhist clergy. As noted in the present report, the clergy has entered lands belonging to minority religious communities, and have uprooted, renamed, and re-claimed land as ‘sacred areas’ or ‘Buddhist sites’, despite counterfactual evidence as was seen in Manikkamadu located in the Ampara District, the Chulipuram Paralai Murugan Temple located in Jaffna District, and the Kurunthumalai Aathi Shivan Iyanar Temple located in the Mullaitivu District which is elaborated on later in the report. The use of ‘national heritage’ to solely capture the majority views, demonstrates an ethnopolitical slant of such terminology that contains wide implications for how the nation perceives identity. The increasing involvement of the Buddhist clergy in land conflicts often suggests a level of collusion with State actors, who assist clergy in appropriating lands and providing physical protection through military and police personnel. The report argues that the State’s agenda to increase ethnonationalist sentiment is being supported by the Buddhist clergy in the North and East that have far more political leverage to appropriate land, compared to the minority religious communities. Additionally, the report highlights observations of increased ethnonationalist sentiment, specifically of increased Sinhala-Buddhisisation and Hindutva nationalist rhetoric. Thus, the consolidation of ethnonationalist sentiments is often done by instilling power in non-state actors whose agenda complements that of the State.

The report further notes the use and abuse of legislation, especially within the context of impending national elections and against the backdrop of land appropriation that has altered the ethnic and religious composition in areas historically dominated by minorities. There is evidence in the report of State intervention by agents such as the Department of Archaeology, Mahaweli Authority of Sri Lanka, and the Department of Forest Conservation, among others. These agencies often enter lands that have belonged to and been used by communities for centuries, frequently without notice, to prevent access to the land. Such action sparks fear and threats of violence in areas that have experienced decades of violence. Often, departments utilise the legal framework to extend their control over land, as is evident in cases such as Mullikulam village bordering South of Mannar and the Nilavarai Well in the Navagiri Village, which will be discussed further in the report. The arbitrary and unpredictable nature of State agents’ intervention sparks fear within and among communities as to their ability to live on their lands and continue with their livelihood. Tensions between local communities and State authorities are consequently on the rise.

Even though State interventionist measures have evolved significantly over time, with both historical and contemporary tactics contributing to ongoing conflicts; earlier tactics of expanding military occupation continue to be employed in order to obstruct locals’ access to their lands. CPA’s engagement with cases such as Sampur in the East of Sri Lanka illustrates the dimensions by which the military has attempted to obstruct locals from entering and using their lands for decades. The cases highlighted in the report display the impact of expanding military occupation which often leads to dispossession and displacement, and an inability to restart livelihood, including economic activity. Frequently, the effects of lacking access to land are immense, leading to increasing levels of poverty and alienation, drastically lowering the quality of life. The continued occupation of the military and State agents draws into question whether lands will be returned and validates the growing doubt amongst communities regarding State intentions behind such initiatives. Further, in the context of past colonisation schemes that have contributed to conflict, apprehension remains with new schemes such as the ‘Urumaya Programme’. The full effects of these newer programmes are complex and yet to be seen but require continuous scrutiny.

Additionally, recent collaborations between the State and private corporations, in projects such as sand mining in the North and East, exemplify the severe environmental and economic impacts residents face when development projects are conducted with poor oversight and limited regulatory provisions. The case of Adani Green Energy’s Wind Power Project, discussed later in the report, is one such example. In the backdrop of an economic and governance crisis, land issues capture the willingness to sacrifice the livelihoods of minority communities in the pursuit of foreign direct investment in the country. Furthermore, how State structures enable corporations to undermine land rights, degrade the environment, and extract resources disproportionately with significant implications for local communities will be highlighted.

These various trends are examined through cases illustrated in the report. Overall, the report lays out how land is a trigger for conflict and highlights the urgent attention required from all stakeholders to curb the increased tensions that are developing in the North and East.

 

Click Here to Download the Report

Click Here to Download the Report in Tamil

Click Here to Download the Report in Sinhala

The Confidence in Democratic Governance Index- 6

This report is prepared by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), on the findings of the ‘Confidence in Democratic Governance Index’ survey (Wave 6). This island-wide survey captures the public perception/opinion on the current situation of the country, in terms of the legitimacy and accountability of the government’s conduct, and initiations related to economic reforms, reconciliation, good governance, and democracy. The objective of this survey is to inform the current political debate on the views of the silent majority of the country that underpin Sri Lanka’s democratic culture. Thereby, SI-CPA envisages this survey report would contribute to a rich political debate, in the run-up to the presidential election, that is vital for people to make an informed decision at this crucial election. Fieldwork for the survey was carried out from the 1st to the 12th of July 2024 with 1352 sample respondents.

The Sinhala and Tamil versions of the report will be published in due course.

Download the Topline Report Here

Download the Report in Sinhala

Download the Report in Tamil

Reimagining National Security for Sri Lanka: Emphasising both Territorial Integrity and Individual Welfare

A reimagination of what national security means and, thereby, encompasses for Sri Lanka is vital to better encapsulate and understand the contemporary security concerns that it faces. This Brief calls for a reimagination of national security that necessitates securing the territorial sovereignty of the state whilst simultaneously securing its constituents as well, thereby defining national security as ‘a low probability of damage to the acquired values of the state and its constituents, and the absence of fear that such values will be attacked’. This is a synthesis between the traditional and human security approaches, the former entailing the security of the territorially sovereign state with the latter prioritising the individual welfare of the constituents of the state with respect to the seven core values of economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, and political security.

The value here is two-fold. Firstly, it is recognised that securing the territorial sovereignty of the state does not necessarily secure its people, though it is a prerequisite for doing so as ensuring the protection of any of the seven core values of the human security approach would not be possible if the territorial sovereignty of the state was compromised. Secondly, the human security approach allows for addressing many contemporary security concerns that fall outside the scope of the traditional security approach.

Such an approach in Sri Lanka’s present context translates to several key areas of consideration, namely: terrorism; extremism and conflict resurgence; defence expenditure and the armed forces; cyberspace; climate change; the economy and regional geopolitics. In order to counter terrorism effectively the National Security Council, as the apex national security decision-making body, must be given statutory basis and its own secretariat that is led by a National Security Advisor. Additionally, a legal framework, alongside a judicial or quasi-judicial enforcing body, providing for surveillance powers under certain conditions should be established. It is also imperative that the Prevention of Terrorism Act be repealed in favour of counter-terrorism legislation in line with international best practices and Sri Lanka’s obligations under international human rights law. Lastly, the need for a Public Prosecutor’s office that is separate and independent of the government having the sole responsibility to indict and prosecute gained further currency in the wake of culpability in the Easter Sunday Attacks of 2019.

Sri Lanka is no stranger to extremism and conflict, and so shrinking the space for extremism and conflict resurgence is crucial. Therefore, addressing the push and pull factors for extremism is a must. This entails ensuring: the independent and impartial functioning of the public service, law enforcement, and the judiciary; equality of opportunity in recruitment and nominations to government bodies and institutions regardless of religious, ethnic, linguistic, and/or cultural background; government bodies and institutions having some representation of the stakeholders affected by its objectives. Moreover, civic, cross-cultural, and cross-religious education in primary and secondary educational institutions is an imperative to create a citizenry that is respectful of human rights, democracy, and Sri Lanka’s religious, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversity. Furthermore, the spread of misinformation, disinformation, and hate speech must be mitigated and those responsible for it and other acts of extremism must be held accountable. Lastly, an effective system of provincial devolution would be valuable in addressing a continuing ethnoreligious grievance that was at the heart of Sri Lanka’s protracted and brutal civil war.

The excessive and wasteful expenditure on defence must be reduced and optimised. This involves reducing the number of active-duty troops and increasing the number of reserves by curtailing recruitment and a voluntary retirement scheme where those that do retire but need alternative employment are aided in that transition. Additionally, the lion’s share of resources must be redirected from the army to the navy as the sea is the frontier of defence for Sri Lanka. This has spillover benefits for addressing maritime piracy and terrorism, human and drug trafficking, and IUU fishing as the navy would be better resourced. Relatedly, addressing the challenges of cyberspace requires improving the cybersecurity capabilities of the military, in addition to the government needing to enhance its cybersecurity capabilities to protect its digital infrastructure, as the increased incorporation of digital development into conventional military hardware brings with it vulnerabilities that can be the target of a cyberattack. The military should also establish a branch dedicated to threats emanating from cyberspace. Moreover, the government must also develop new and/or update national policy and legislation on subjects pertaining to cyberspace.

The threat that climate change poses to national security cannot be exaggerated. It is an issue that necessitates greater pragmatism in policy formulation and, as it is a cross-cutting issue across government, extensive coordination in policy implementation. Furthermore, given Sri Lanka’s heightened vulnerability to the impacts of climate change there is a need to prioritise conservation and climate change adaptation over mitigation. Both conservation and adaptation efforts would benefit from decentralised governance through the devolution of powers to the provinces as the provincial level is closer to the people and better situated to understand the unique challenges each province faces. Relatedly, in order to pursue sustainable development whilst aiding Sri Lanka’s recovery from national insolvency, green finance and the blue economy represent engines of growth for the Sri Lankan economy.

Finally, in navigating the geopolitics of the Indian Ocean Sri Lanka must tread carefully to ensure that it is not dependent on a single state or bloc for its economic recovery and development to prevent undue external influence over the country. Additionally, a Parliamentary Select Committee for foreign policy formulation and revision should be established for a more bipartisan and consistent Sri Lankan foreign policy alongside an effective foreign service that has the capacity to expand and build on Sri Lanka’s relationships with other countries. The latter requires the foreign service to be depoliticised, and better staffed and resourced. Lastly, legislation on political financing must be strengthened to limit the role of foreign powers financing election campaigns in Sri Lanka with state intelligence services having the capacity to enforce such legislation.

By no means is this an exhaustive list of what should be taken into consideration nor do the recommendations wholly address what should be done in any of these areas. However, they do demonstrate the scope of issues that are relevant to the reimagined conception of national security asserted in this Brief, the similarities and differences in how these issues affect the Sri Lankan state and the Sri Lankan people respectively, and how these issues interact and relate to each other.

 

Download the Policy Brief Here

CPA Statement on the Wilful disregard for the Constitution by the President

29th July 2024

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes with grave concern the actions of the President and the Government in response to the Supreme Court’s interim order last week restraining Mr Deshabandu Thennakoon from exercising the powers, functions, and responsibilities of the office of the Inspector General of Police (IGP). This interim order has been met with statements by the Government, including a formal statement in Parliament by the Prime Minister on 26th July explicitly rejecting it, that raises alarm as to whether Sri Lanka is heading towards a constitutional crisis. CPA urges the President to desist from any or all action that raises that prospect. This is against the backdrop of the Election Commission issuing a gazette setting the date of the Presidential Election to be held on 21st September 2024, and it is incumbent on the Government and all stakeholders to adhere to the Constitution and respect the integrity of the election. Any attempt to subvert elections and the rule of law will have significant implications on governance and democracy and setback Sri Lanka’s path towards economic recovery and stability. 

The following briefly sets out some of the recent events and their implications. 

The Supreme Court’s Interim Order on the IGP

The Supreme Court’s interim order this week was in response to several cases filed challenging the appointment of Mr Thennakoon as IGP. One of the petitions was filed by CPA’s Executive Director. After hearing lengthy submissions, the Court found that the Petitioners’ case could proceed to the next stage and in light of the strong case made out, the Court also granted an interim order. 

CPA welcomes the interim order which upholds the clear and unambiguous provisions of the Constitution. CPA’s position is that, on the documents produced by the Respondents in court, including the minutes of the Constitutional Council meeting, it is clear that the President could not have appointed Mr Thennakoon as IGP on 26th February 2024, as the required support of at least five members of the Constitutional Council was not met.

CPA notes that the President is duty bound to uphold the Constitution. Nothing in the order would prevent the President from making an acting appointment after following the appropriate procedure set out in the Constitution. If the President does not make an acting appointment, that is a choice he makes and he would be fully responsible for the consequences of that choice. Wilful violation of the Constitution, including by refusing to do what the Constitution requires him to do, is a ground on which a President can be impeached. As seen in several recent cases, a person holding the office of President can also be held liable in his individual capacity even after the conclusion of his term of office for such violations. In such a context, any action to subvert and/or undermine the Constitution by the individual holding the office must be monitored and necessary legal action pursued. 

Misinformation on the Supreme Court’s Interim Order

CPA also notes that there has been significant misinformation on the validity and the impact of the Supreme Court’s order, including in the Prime Minister’s statement to the House on 27th July. The Supreme Court’s interim order was not against Parliament, nor was it against the Constitutional Council. The Constitutional Council, moreover, is not a committee of Parliament and thus is not protected by the parliamentary privilege of exclusive cognisance. A judicial decision that the President disagrees with is not sufficient basis to claim a judicial attack on the powers and privileges Parliament.  The order of the Supreme Court restrains Mr Thennakoon personally from functioning in the office of IGP. Any suggestion that the order is an order against the functions of Parliament is without merit and lacks any basis in terms of the Constitution and the law. Having misinformed itself on these matters, the Government has in its irresponsible response to the Supreme Court acted in breach of several constitutional conventions that are central to the rule of law, the separation of powers, and the independence of the judiciary. These include the conventions that the Government: obeys the orders of a court even and especially when it does not agree with the reasoning of a judicial pronouncement; does not attack the judiciary in Parliament or elsewhere; and observes the sub judice principle.    

CPA also notes the misinformation campaign to indicate that the President cannot make an acting appointment to cover the functions of the office of IGP. This claim is patently false. The Constitution makes specific provision for acting appointments (Article 41C(2)). The only requirement is that when such an appointment is for a period of more than two weeks, the President needs to get the approval of the Constitutional Council. Furthermore, recent examples dispel these false claims. Firstly, in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, the then President appointed Mr. C.D. Wickramarathne as acting IGP whilst Mr. Pujith Jayasundara (who was the IGP) was suspended pending investigations in to his conduct. More recently, an acting appointment to the office of IGP was made when Mr Thennakoon was first appointed as acting IGP in November 2023. 

As such, there is no impediment for the President to make an acting appointment to the office of IGP. In fact, the Constitution requires the President to respect the order of Court and his own responsibilities in terms of the Constitution to make a suitable acting appointment. It is unfortunate that the President seems to be acting in a manner intended to frustrate the order of Court and subvert the Constitution. 

The Supreme Court’s Interim Order and the Presidential Election 

CPA notes the attempts to imply that the interim order may have a bearing on the holding of the presidential election. The interim order has no impact on the conduct of elections. The order leaves it open to the President to make a suitable acting appointment in terms of the Constitution. Even if the President does not make such an appointment, the Election Commission has provision in the Constitution to give necessary orders to the hierarchy of the Sri Lanka Police to perform functions relating to the election (Article 104G and 104GG). 

Click here to Download the Statement

Click here to Download the statement in Tamil

Public Opinion on Reconciliation in Sri Lanka, May 2024

This report presents key findings of the survey on reconciliation conducted by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA). Given the background, the year 2024 marks the 15th anniversary of the end of the civil war in Sri Lanka, the poll was designed to capture the current public opinion on matters related to themes of democracy and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. The survey findings on economic and educational growth prospects, safety and security, political interactions, as well as views on political and religious leadership are discussed in this brief report. The fieldwork was conducted between 19th February and 13th March 2024, with 1372 sample respondents

The Report in English can be downloaded from here

The Report in Sinhala can be downloaded from here

The Report in Tamil can be downloaded from here

 

Understanding Interconnections between Human Rights and Economic Crimes in Sri Lanka: Exploring Issues and Potential Ways Forward

In Sri Lanka, economic crimes perpetrated by PEPs have received critical attention at present, where there have been discussions on plausible interventions to address the culture of impunity and the human rights implications of economic crimes. This report, written primarily to understand and advocate for key issues concerning addressing economic crimes in Sri Lanka, maps out several interconnections between economic crimes perpetrated by PEPs in Sri Lanka and the human rights implications of such crimes. Since the notion of economic crimes suffers from an inherent conceptual confusion, there are a myriad of policy prescriptions and interventions to address economic crimes. With this understanding, the report examines a selection of issue areas concerning impunity for economic crimes in Sri Lanka in-breadth through empirical research. The report consists of three chapters. In Chapter 1, we outline the point of departure of the study, by laying out the conceptual framework of the research. The second chapter is dedicated to presenting the findings of the study, where the readers are provided an overview of certain challenges encountered in addressing economic crimes. This chapter analyses the empirical data collected in the research, by setting out the cross- cutting structural, legal as well as socio-political issues reinforcing a culture of impunity for economic crimes in the country. In the final chapter, we discuss potential interventions that could be utilized in advocacy efforts and strategies for various stakeholders to amplify the demands on the accountability for economic crimes in Sri Lanka at present. The annexure at the end of the report, provides a snapshot of several case studies on grand corruption in Sri Lanka, which could be considered as some of the emblematic cases of economic crimes in the country.

Click Here to read the Report

 

Shifting Tides – A Trend Analysis of Public Opinion on Reconciliation and Democracy in Sri Lanka

This report provides a comprehensive analysis of evolving public opinion on democracy and reconciliation in Sri Lanka, over the past two decades. Employing a comparative approach, it examines responses to recurring questions posed in a series of surveys conducted by SI-CPA and delves into an exploration of longitudinal trends on the following topics: majority-minority relations, social trust, political safeguards for minorities, trust in democracy and institutions, power sharing, secular constitution, and support for constitutional reforms.

Click Here to Download the Document in English

Click Here to Download the Document in Sinhala

Click Here to Download the Document in Tamil

 

 

 

 

Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) challenges constitutionality of the appointment of Inspector General of the Sri Lanka Police (IGP)

The Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed a Petition in the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka challenging the constitutionality of the Presidential appointment of Mr. Deshabandu Thennakoon as Inspector General of the Sri Lanka Police (IGP) on the 26th of February 2024.

Article 41C of the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka provides that such an appointment by the President cannot occur without approval from the Constitutional Council of Sri Lanka. According to Article 41E, that approval should have at least 5 votes in favour. The Leader of the Opposition, who is a member of the Council, has alleged that the Council did not approve the appointment of the IGP with the minimum 5 votes.

As such the Petition, argued that the appointment of the IGP was unconstitutional. Furthermore, the Petition also argued that Mr. Thennakoon is manifestly unsuitable for the role of IGP as the Supreme Court, in a fundamental rights case, found him to have engaged in torture (in the Supreme Court decision of SC (FR) 107/2011 Mr. Thennakoon was determined to have infringed Articles 11, 12(1), 13(1) and 13(2) of the Constitution.)

Essentially, his appointment as IGP will infringe Article 12(1) of the Constitution as it is arbitrary, grossly unreasonable and against the public trust.

Does Sri Lanka Need a Truth and Reconciliation Commission? – A Comment on the Latest Proposal & Ground Realities

This year marks the fifteenth anniversary of the end of the Civil War. Over the years, the government has introduced multiple Commissions of Inquiries (COIs), Presidential Commissions of Inquiries (PCOIs), a Consultation Task Force (CTF) and other institutions such as the Office of Missing Persons (OMP) and the Office for Reparations (OR) under the pillars of truth and justice. However, such initiatives have failed due to the lack of political will of the government to truly address the demands of the victims, specifically in terms of not taking any legal action to prosecute alleged perpetrators and address impunity in Sri Lanka. Despite the numerous attempts at truth seeking in the country, the failure to implement recommendations of past COI’s, has resulted in a ‘commission fatigue’ and a culture of impunity, with little to no progress made towards accountability. In addition, efforts in the past also speak to missed opportunities at addressing the demands of the victims, and is a stark reminder of the multiple times successive governments have re-victimized and re-traumatised victims and affected communities in Sri Lanka. 

Under the government of Ranil Wickremesinghe, the state has once again initiated efforts in the interest of achieving truth, unity and reconciliation. Two legal developments have been introduced in the interest of achieving transitional justice. The first is in relation to the introduction of an Office for National Unity and Reconciliation, which was gazetted in September 2023 and enacted on 23rd January. The second is a proposal to introduce a Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation (CTUR) in Sri Lanka, gazetted on the 1st of January 2024. The present paper examines issues surrounding the CTUR. 

In the statement published on the 9th of January, Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) noted that both bills fail to address the concerns of victims, and raises concerns of whether they are genuine efforts implemented to achieve reconciliation. This is in context where the ground reality of Sri Lanka is currently inclusive of repressive laws such as the Online Safety Act that was recently passed, heightened ethno-nationalism and land appropriation. In addition, successive governments have addressed transitional justice only as a response to mounting international pressure and scrutiny, with domestic initiatives seen more as a token step and an attempt to appease the international community. 

While Sri Lanka’s responsibility to adopt transitional justice mechanisms directly stems from Resolutions 30/1 and 34/1, in March 2021, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) passed resolution 46/1. This resolution introduced the “Sri Lanka Accountability Project”, whereby the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) received powers to “collect, consolidate, analyse and preserve information and evidence and to develop possible strategies for future accountability processes for gross violations of human rights or serious violations of international humanitarian law in Sri Lanka”.  This resolution was followed by the passing of resolution 51/1 in October 2022 that reiterated concerns of past resolutions and recognised the link with human rights violations, economic crimes and impunity. In March and September 2024, the UNHRC will discuss Sri Lanka and examine the progress made on the implementation of these Resolutions. The proposal for the CTUR needs to be examined in such a context. 

Based on the ground reality in Sri Lanka and the lack of implementation of past recommendations by commissions implemented to address reconciliation, this paper requests the government to reconsider whether a CTUR is needed at the present time. To support this, this paper has been divided into three sections. The first section offers a brief overview of what the CTUR bill is. Second, the paper comments on specific sections that not only point to the flaws of the bill, but refer to repeated concerns and criticisms CPA has made in relation with previous state initiatives on reconciliation. Thirdly, CPA takes into account victim demands, drawing conclusions as to why this latest initiative fails to meet the demands of the victims. 

 

Click here to Read the Discussion Paper

Survey on Democracy and Reconciliation

This brief report aims to share some of the selected key findings of the latest survey on democracy and reconciliation conducted by Social Indicator, the survey arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. The poll was designed to capture the current public opinion on matters related to themes of democracy and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. The survey findings on support for democracy, trust in democratic institutions, public assessment of the progress of reconciliation, and attitude toward constitutional reforms are discussed in this brief report.  The fieldwork was conducted between 4th and 22nd of January 2024.

මෙම සංෂිප්ත වාර්තාවේ අරමුණ විකල්ප ප්‍රතිපත්ති කේන්ද්‍රයේ සමීක්ෂණ පර්යේෂණ අංශය වන සෝෂල් ඉන්ඩිකේටර් විසින් මෙහෙයවන ලද නවතම සමීක්ෂණය වන ‘ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ සංහිඳියාව’ පිළිබඳ සමීක්ෂණයෙහි තෝරාගන්නා ලද ප්‍රධාන සොයාගැනීම් කිහිපයක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමයි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ සංහිඳියාව පිළිබඳ තේමාවන්ට අදාළ කරුණු සම්බන්ධයෙන් මහජන මතයෙහි වත්මන් තත්වය ග්‍රහණය කර ගැනීමේ අරමුණින් මෙම සමීක්ෂණය සැළසුම් කරන ලදී. ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සඳහා සහාය, ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ක්‍රියාවට නංවන ආයතනයන් පිළිබඳ විශ්වාසය, සංහිඳියාවේ ප්‍රගතිය පිළිබඳ මහජන තක්සේරුව සහ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණයන් පිළිබඳ ආකල්ප යනාදි මෙම සමීක්ෂණයෙහි සොයාගැනීම් මෙම සංෂිප්ත වාර්තාව මඟින් සාකච්ඡා කරනු ලබයි. ක්ෂේත්‍ර කටයුතු 2024 ජනවාරි 4 වන දින සිට 22 වන දින දක්වා පවත්වන ලදී.

இந்தச் சுருக்கமான அறிக்கையானது, மாற்றுக் கொள்கைகளுக்கான நிலையத்தின் கருத்துக்கணிப்பு ஆய்வுப் பிரிவான சோஷல் இன்டிகேட்டரினால் ஜனநாயகம் மற்றும் மீள்நல்லிணக்கம் குறித்து சமீபத்தில் நடாத்திய ஆய்வின் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்ட சில முக்கிய முடிவுகளைப் பகிர்ந்து கொள்வதை நோக்கமாகக் கொண்டுள்ளது. இலங்கையில் ஜனநாயகம் மற்றும் மீள்நல்லிணக்கம் ஆகிய கருப்பொருள்கள் சார்ந்த சில விடயங்கள் தொடர்பில் பொதுமக்களின் தற்போதைய அபிப்பிராயத்தை அறித்துகொள்ளும் வகையில் இந்த கருத்துக்கணிப்பு வடிவமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. ஜனநாயகத்திற்கான ஆதரவு, ஜனநாயக நிறுவனங்களின் மீதான நம்பிக்கை. மீள்நல்லிணக்கத்தின் முன்னேற்றம் குறித்த பொதுமக்களின் மதிப்பீடு மற்றும் அரசியலமைப்பு சீர்திருத்தங்கள் மீதான அணுகுமுறை ஆகியன தொடர்பிலான ஆய்வு முடிவுகள் இந்த சுருக்கமான அறிக்கையில் ஆராயப்பட்டுள்ளன. வேளிக்களப்பணி 2024 ஜனவரி 4 முதல் 22 வரை நடத்தப்பட்டது.

 

 

Click here to access the Full Report in English

Click here to access the Full Report in Sinhala

Click here to access the Full Report in Tamil

 

Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 5)

This report is prepared by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives on the findings of the Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 5).  This poll was designed to capture the public sentiments on the country’s current state of governance and the fieldwork for the study was conducted from 6th to 23rd of November 2023.

Please download the English version of the report here. 

Please download the Sinhala version of the report here. 

Please download the Tamil version of the report here.

Statement on the Online Safety Act No. 09 of 2024

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is concerned with the process followed in enacting the Online Safety Act (OSA). It raises serious questions in terms of law-making and its impact on constitutional democracy in Sri Lanka. CPA has previously raised these issues but notes with disappointment the continued practice. The process of drafting the OSA was shrouded in secrecy. The rushed manner of its passage raises questions as to the intentions of the Government in enacting a law that has significant implications for fundamental rights and the rule of law in Sri Lanka. CPA has previously commented on the substance and process followed with the Bill and challenged its constitutionality. In light of recent events surrounding the enactment of the OSA, CPA condemns the enactment of such a draconian law that can further limit freedom of speech and the right to dissent. 

It is with concern that CPA notes the issues surrounding committee stage amendments of 24th of January 2024. With the Supreme Court ruling requiring 31 amendments for the passage of the Bill with a simple majority in Parliament, questions were raised concerning the compliance with Article 78(3) of the Constitution which states that “Any amendment proposed to a Bill in Parliament shall not deviate from the merits and principles of such Bill”. 

CPA at the outset noted that the committee stage amendments proposed were substantial alternations, requiring the Bill to be withdrawn and re-gazetted. Despite this, the Government proceeded with the Bill, while failing to adopt mandatory changes required by the Supreme Court to pass the law with a simple majority. 

For example, the Supreme Court required that the State ensures that all persons involved in investigations maintain confidentiality of information obtained from the subject of investigations. However, the current Act contains no such protection (see page 60 of the determination). It was also determined by the Court that the inclusion of terminology such as “malicious” and “wantonly” was vague (see page 48 of the determination), yet, the OSA continues to use such wording in Section 14. Moreover, it was determined that certain services, such as emails that are the only user-generated content enabled by the service or SMS/MMS services, must be exempted from the OSA (see pages 59 to 60 of the determination). However, these changes were not made and the provisions on which the Supreme Court raised concerns continue under Section 27 of the OSA, thus raising concerns that the Supreme Court’s decision was selectively ignored.

The Government’s rush to enact the OSA and its disregard for the Supreme Court determination has resulted in a constitutional crisis, raising questions about the legality of the OSA. Moreover, by intentionally undermining the determination of the Supreme Court, the Government is setting a dangerous precedent that has implications for the rule of law and separation of powers in Sri Lanka. 

These concerns are also in the context of multiple other issues with the OSA that have been previously raised by CPA such as the broad powers of the Online Safety Commission, vague terminology and the role of experts, among others. 

In light of these and other concerns, CPA urges the Government to review the process and substance of the OSA, take immediate steps to repeal the OSA and introduce a law that genuinely addresses the concerns of online safety. Further, CPA calls on the Government to have a transparent and inclusive law-making process that provides time for stakeholder consultations and review. The processes followed with the enactment of the Personal Data Protection Act No. 09 of 2022 and Right to Information Act No. 12 of 2016 are some examples where sufficient time was taken to ensure the law-making process was transparent and that it factored in diverse viewpoints. Such practices of good governance are fundamental for Sri Lanka at its present stage of recovery and reform.

Click Here to download the statement in Sinhala 

Click Here to download the statement in Tamil

Click Here to download the statement in English

CPA Challenges the Anti-Terrorism Bill (SC/SD 04/2024)

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed a Petition in the Supreme Court on the 18th of January 2024 challenging the Constitutionality of the Bill titled “Anti-Terrorism”. The Bill was published in the Gazette on the 15th of September 2023 but was only tabled in the Parliament [the first reading of the Bill] on the 10th of January 2024. CPA has extensively commented on this Bill, and its previous versions raising numerous concerns relating to this draconian piece of legislation. 

CPA has raised concerns over the vague definitions in the Bill which may be a tool for abuse. Further, the continued use of long executive detention and the further strengthening of the already powerful Executive, particularly by giving the President powers to make curfew orders, proscription orders and prohibition orders are seen as critical issues. 

CPA argues that the proposed Anti-Terrorism Bill must be looked at through the lens of the legacy of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), which has been a source of terror over the past decades. Considering the abuse that minorities, journalists, and dissenters have faced under the PTA, any new counter-terror law must contain sufficient checks and balances, to prevent similar abuses from taking place in the future. Further, to be genuine in its efforts, any counter-terror law must be designed with the aim of addressing the root causes of terrorism, rather than empowering authorities to suppress a segment of the population. 

CPA argues that the clauses of the Bill violate Articles 3, 4, 11, 12(1) and 13(2), 13(4), 13(5) and 14(1)(a) –(i) of the Constitution, and therefore cannot be enacted into law, except if approved by People at a Referendum in addition to a two-thirds vote of the whole number of the Members of Parliament in favour as required by Article 83(a) of the Constitution.

Download the document Click Here

Statement on proposals to set up structures to address truth, unity and reconciliation in Sri Lanka

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes the publication of two bills in recent weeks, which could impact reconciliation and related issues in Sri Lanka. The first one titled Office for National Unity and Reconciliation Bill (the ONUR Bill) is presently before Parliament. The second is the publication of the bill for the Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka (proposed commission) gazetted on the 1st of January 2024. At the outset CPA notes that nearly fifteen years after the end of the war, Sri Lanka faces numerous challenges that have perpetuated the root causes of the conflict and impunity in our country. CPA firmly believes that efforts towards reconciliation must address the demands of the victims and initiate reforms aimed at genuine reckoning with Sri Lanka’s history. Both bills fail to address these concerns, and with it missing an opportunity at reconciliation, accountability and reform that is fundamental if Sri Lanka is to have lasting peace and stability.  

A consideration of the ONUR Bill raises concerns on the role of the Office in “assisting and guiding” community level organisations in carrying out projects related to peace and reconciliation. This is a concern in a context when victims have little or no confidence that the government has a genuine interest in forming a cohesive national unity policy. The Bill should not be an excuse to legitimate and impose the Government’s narrative of reconciliation and should not be used as a tool to stamp out alternative narratives and undermine the voices of victims.

The second proposal, the proposed commission, also raises questions as to whether such a commission is required since successive governments of Sri Lanka have failed to implement the recommendations of past commissions. As such, with Sri Lanka’s history of commission fatigue and accountability deficit, this latest initiative holds little promise of addressing the demands of the victims. 

In addition, both these efforts are being introduced at a time when concerns of ethnonationalism and land grabs are on the rise. CPA has continuously monitored these issues and is concerned of exacerbating triggers for conflict that threaten co-existence and urge the government that priority at present should be at implementing confidence building measures than subjecting victims and affected communities to more structures that merely add to the long list of commissions, committees and other state entities that make ambitious promises but fail to address the root causes of the conflict.  

Furthermore, CPA has consistently noted that Sri Lanka faces a crisis of accountability. The lack of genuine efforts at accountability resulted in the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) adopting several resolutions that recommends concrete action to secure justice for victims of human rights violations and economic crimes and address impunity. The structures proposed by these two Bills fall well short of Sri Lanka’s obligations in terms of these UNHRC resolutions. The growing list of emblematic cases & numerous setback with accountability in Sri Lanka has strengthened calls for international accountability, further exposing the lack of real commitment towards justice in the country. 

CPA also notes that these bills are introduced when Sri Lanka is to be discussed at the UNHRC in 2024 and that these and other measures are likely to be used by the government to convince the international community of some progress with reconciliation. This is far from the truth when Sri Lanka is facing heightened ethnonationalism, continuing human rights violations and exacerbating inequalities, with the response by the state seeing a crackdown on dissent, arbitrary arrests and detentions that raises questions of legality and due process and increasing militarization. The introduction of the Online Safety Bill, the Anti-Terrorism Bill and other measures are some examples where Sri Lanka’s space for dissent is fast shrinking with fears of increasing authoritarian and militarized trends that erode the rule of law and threaten Sri Lanka’s fragile peace. In such a context, CPA urges the government to withdraw these bills and initiate a process at genuine confidence building measures and reform that addresses the multiple challenges confronting Sri Lanka. 

Further comments on the Truth, Unity and Reconciliation Bill are forthcoming. 

Read the full statement in English – Click Here

Summary Findings and Overview of the Confidence in Democratic Governance Index – December 2023

This report presents the summary findings and overview of the Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 5) conducted by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. This poll was designed to capture the public sentiments on the country’s current state of governance. Fieldwork for the study was conducted from 6th to 23rd of November 2023.

Please download the English report here.

Please download the Sinhala report here

Please download the Tamil report here

Supreme Court Decision in SC FR 91/2023 – Challenging the Prevention of Terrorism 
(De-radicalization from holding violent extremist religious ideology) Regulations No. 01 of 2021

On the 21st of March 2021, the Government published in the Gazette regulations purportedly made under the Prevention of Terrorism Act, namely the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalization from holding violent extremist religious ideology) Regulations No. 01 of 2021. Through these regulations, the Government attempted to set up a system of ‘rehabilitation’ for categories of persons holding ‘extremist’ ideologies, to which they could be referred even before they had been found guilty of an offense by a court of law. The scheme would deny parties of due process and had the potential for abuse and the restriction of personal liberties. The court’s finding is that PTA “(De-radicalization from holding violent extremist religious ideology) Regulations No.1 of 2021 are in violation of the fundamental rights of the Petitioners.

In April 2021, The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, challenged the validity of the regulations by way of a Fundamental Rights Application (SC FR 91/2021), along with two other similar Applications (SC FR 106/2021 and SC FR 107/2021), and this set of cases was heard by the Supreme Court. In January 2022, the Supreme Court granted the Petitioners leave to proceed in the case and, recognizing the serious potential for abuse under the guidelines, also issued interim relief which prevented the scheme from being put into force until the final hearing of the Application.

On the 13th of November 2023, the Supreme Court delivered its final judgment in the Application (https://www.cpalanka.org/centre-for-policy-alternatives-v-attorney-general-sc-fra-91-2021/), and found that the Regulations contained in the scheme violated Articles 10 (the Freedom of thought, conscience and religions), 12(1) (equal protection of the law) and 13 (Freedom from arbitrary arrest, detention and punishment etc.) of the Constitution. The court thus declared the scheme under the Regulations null and void. In a symbolic gesture, the State was also directed to pay each Petitioner Rs. 25,000/- as costs.

Important Findings in the Judgment

On the objection of the Attorney General that the Application should be dismissed as the Petitioners were not personally affected by the Regulations;

“The contours of fundamental rights jurisdiction have expanded over the years, and public interest litigation in response to violations and imminent violations of fundamental rights is no longer a new phenomenon in the global arena…. (page 8)

…every person shall be entitled to apply to the Supreme Court, as provided by Article 126, in respect of the infringement or imminent infringement by executive or administrative action, of a fundamental right to which such person is entitled under the provisions of Chapter 3 of the Constitution. (page 8)”

On the importance of the freedom of thought, guaranteed by Article 10 of the Constitution;

“The freedom of thought, as enshrined in our fundamental rights, stands out as a cornerstone of democracy. The freedom of thought ensures that a person’s mind remains beyond scrutiny. To infringe upon the freedom of thought is to undermine the very essence of a democratic society, for it is within the realm of individual thought that the roots of self-expression, personal liberty, human dignity and the flourishing of all other fundamental rights are nurtured. (page 11)

According to Article 10, the State cannot prevent a person from thinking or believing in some religious ideology on the basis that such thinking or belief is irrational or extreme. As I have already stated, Article 10 sets an absolute bar against such infringements. (page 11)”

On the danger of abuse of the vague term ‘extremist religious ideology;

“The definition of “extremist religious ideology” presents inherent difficulties as religious beliefs may vary widely among individuals, with one person’s religious ideology potentially appearing extreme to another. In the absence of clarity, there is a risk of arbitrary decisions being made where certain attitudes, behaviors, attire, etc. can also be deemed as signs of extremist religious ideologies. (page 11)

People cannot be prosecuted, nay persecuted, for merely “holding religious ideology” which the State thinks to be “violent and extremist”. (page 14)”

When can the state step in to address a threat of violence;

“All seem to be in agreement that when there is an imminent threat in pursuit of “violent extremist religious ideology”, the State can step in to prevent the harm for the greater benefit of all others. However, prevention of harm cannot be the pretext for arbitrary use of power to curb the rights of the People. (page 14)”

On the need for clarity in the law;

“If the stated objective of the Regulations is not clear, how can their impact and applicability be properly assessed or understood? The existence of such real uncertainties within legal provisions may give rise to subjective interpretation and arbitrary enforcement of the law, which may undermine the rule of law and legal predictability. This violates Article 12(1) of the Constitution which states “All persons are equal before the law and are entitled to the equal protection of the law.” (page 15)”

 

Download the full Statement in English

To Read the Supreme Court Judgement

Sri Lankan Indigenous Community struggles in the face of the Microfinance Credit Crisis

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is a non-partisan, independent organization primarily dedicated to strengthening institutions and building capacity for good governance and conflict transformation in Sri Lanka. The CPA is committed to conducting research and advocacy programs that critically evaluate public policies, identify alternative solutions, and promote an improved political culture and social environment.

The indigenous community, also known as the Vedda community, constitutes a group of citizens in Sri Lanka with a distinct identity and should be treated with dignity, enjoying full entitlement to all rights and privileges. Nevertheless, today, indigenous communities across the island face a multitude of challenges, with the micro-finance credit crisis emerging as a significant concern.

We do not oppose the provision of micro-finance loans and the institutions that offer them; in fact, we view it as a positive opportunity, especially for low-income communities. However, it is evident that citizens who have taken micro-finance loans are facing mounting issues related to informal loan disbursement, recovery, interest rates, and more, compounded by the unregulated nature of these practices, along with questionable and illegal conditions. The Indigenous community is particularly affected due to these situations.

The indigenous community is characterised by its unique linguistic identity. Although they communicate using the ‘Vedi language,’ their written language is Sinhala. Many are not literate in reading or writing in Sinhala. Similarly, Marine Indigenous groups living in Vaharai and Muttur use their own distinct Tamil dialect and are not well-versed in standard Tamil.

Considering these linguistic barriers, the agreements and contracts exchanged between these communities and relevant institutions during micro-finance loan transactions are often in languages they do not understand or comprehend. While a few organisations do issue documents in both Sinhala and Tamil, these indigenous communities still struggle to understand the contents. As a result, they sign these agreements without a full understanding of the content and consequently find themselves entrapped in the legal ramifications.

These communities are primarily located in the Uva, Eastern, and North Central provinces, residing in places like Dambana, Rathugala, Pollebedda, Dalukana, Dimbulagala, Vahari, and Muttur. They have lost their habitats in the forests and have integrated into mainstream society. They are now confronted with various economic, social, and cultural difficulties and complications.

Currently, the regional Vedda Leaders lead by vedda chief Uruwarige Wannila Aththo, have corresponded with the President, and the Governor of the Central Bank, highlighting the severe financial debt problem faced by their community. Their primary request is to provide relief from this debt crisis and to establish a more streamlined system for loan disbursement and collection.

We have attached relevant articles along with a video clip featuring Vedda Chief Uruwarige Wannila Aththo’s position on this issue. We kindly request your assistance in sharing this information through your media institution and promoting a social dialogue aimed at finding solutions to the microcredit crisis confronting the indigenous community in our country.

On behalf of the Indigenous Community

Centre for Policy Alternatives

Download the Press Release in English – Click Here
Download the Press Release in Sinhala – Click Here
Download the Press Release in Tamil – Click Here

 

The Proposed Amendments to the Online Safety Bill

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has previously raised concerns with the Online Safety Bill (OSB) and challenged certain clauses in the Supreme Court.1 On the 18th of October, during the hearing on the constitutionality of the OSB,2 the Attorney General’s Department of Sri Lanka produced to the Supreme Court a series of amendments that the Government proposed to move during the Committee Stage when the Bill was to be taken up in Parliament. These “Committee Stage Amendments” would make substantial alterations to the Bill that was gazetted. Several of the amendments also deviate from “the merits and principles” of the originally gazetted OSB and thus, are in contravention of Article 78(3) of the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka.3 Subsequently, such substantial change requires the Government of Sri Lanka to withdraw the currently proposed OSB and re-gazette the amended version.

Download the full document in English : Click Here

Download the full document in Sinhala : Click Here

Download the full document in Tamil: Click Here

CPA Challenges the Online Safety Bill (SC/SD 89/2023)

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed a Petition in the Supreme Court on the 11th of October 2023 challenging the Constitutionality of the Bill titled “Online Safety”. The Bill was Gazetted on the 15th of September 2023, and tabled in Parliament [the first reading of the Bill] on the 3rd of October 2023. CPA has previously commented on this Bill, and urged that the Government withdraws the Bill which is fundamentally flawed and riddled with potential for abuse. 

In its Petition CPA argues that the Bill as a whole violates several articles of the Constitution including entrenched provisions and would thus be required to approved by the people at a referendum in addition to being passed by two thirds of the Members’ of Parliament voting in favour of the Bill. CPA argues that the vague and over broad offences contained in the Bill and the  broad powers of the so called “Online Safety Commission” will have a chilling effect on the exercise of Fundamental Rights by the citizens of Sri Lanka. 

The Petition also challenges various individual aspects of the Online Safety Bill which violate Articles of the Constitution including but not limited to; 

Firstly, the several vague objectives of the Bill including the power of the Online Safety Commission to “protect” people against the damage caused by “alarming or distressing statements”. 

Secondly, the over broad and unconstitutional nature of the listed “prohibited statements” within the Online Safety Bill. 

Thirdly, the arbitrary and unreasonable powers granted to the Online Safety Commission, including the exercise of judicial power which is inconsistent with the Constitution. 

Fourthly, the arbitrary powers granted to the Minister to appoint private individuals as “experts”, who are then given extensive powers, which impact the liberties of citizens and with no accountability. 

CPA also challenges the Online Safety Commission’s ability to make rules and the Minister’s ability to make regulations on ‘Online Safety’ because the Clauses within the Online Safety Bill regarding these abilities lack precision and sufficient criteria.

As such CPA and its Executive Director argue that the Online Safety Bill is inconsistent with Articles 3, 4(c), 10, 12, 14(1)(a),(b),(c),(e),(f), and (g) and 14A(2) of the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka and thus cannot be enacted into law, unless it is approved by the People at a Referendum in addition to a two-thirds vote of the whole number of the Members of Parliament. 

To read the Full Statement in English – Click Here

 

 

Commentary Comparing the Proposed Anti Terrorism Bill to the Prevention of Terrorism Act

Commentary updated with revisions as of 4 March 2024

The Government of Sri Lanka published the revised ‘Anti-Terrorism Bill’ (hereinafter the proposed ATA) in the Gazette, on the 15th of September 2023. This Bill seeks to abolish the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) which for nearly four and a half decades has been one of the most vicious tools of suppression and persecution used by the State. There have been calls to abolish the PTA since its inception in 1979 but the draconian law has survived through several Governments.

The publication of the presently Gazetted version of the proposed ATA follows a former version of the ATA, which was published on the 22nd of March 2023, containing a few differences. The proposed ATA is also in substance fairly similar to a Bill published during the Yahapalana regime in 2018, the Counter- Terrorism Bill (CTA) which also sought to replace the PTA. In this commentary, there is some reference to the CTA and the previous version of the proposed ATA published in March to comment on changes seen in the present Bill. However, the primary aim of this commentary is to compare the latest version of the proposed ATA in relation to the PTA.

In initial comments issued on the 27th of March 2023, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) noted concerns regarding the initially proposed ATA though acknowledging that the Bill does address some of the key concerns that persisted with the PTA over its several decades in operation. With the recent version of the proposed ATA being published in September 2023, CPA continues to reiterate these concerns. To put these recurring concerns in context, it must be borne in mind that the Sri Lankan State has demonstrated a pattern of abusing counter-terror laws, emergency laws and regulation-making powers in the past. Thus, any new law must be formulated with additional safeguards to prevent abuse.

At the outset, CPA notes that the proposed ATA lacks sufficient checks, and if operational, would provide ample space for abuse. Further, over-broad definitions of offences leave room for these laws to be used for means beyond the purported purposes of the Act, targeting minorities, civil society, the media and any dissenters in general. Further, this law has also taken away some of the improvements that were sought to be made by way of the CTA in 2018, such as the shortening of the duration of detention orders.

Overall, it must be remembered that for law reform to be successful, there has to be the administrative will for the law to succeed, and to be used for the correct purpose. The timing of this new law, rushed through with little to no meaningful stakeholder consultation suggests that this law reform is not being brought in the interest of addressing a decades-long problem that has plagued the country, but as a matter of political expediency. While CPA would welcome any reform in a positive direction, this law does not signify much optimism with deep implications for human rights, governance and democracy.

 

 

 

 

 

 

To access the full document – click here

Statement on the Proposed Online Safety Bill 

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes the publication of the Online Safety Bill (Bill) on the 15th of September 2023 and tabled in Parliament on 3rd of October 2023. CPA has shared its initial concerns on several clauses of the Bill in a series of infographics issued on 22nd September 2023, highlighting several concerns that can impede fundamental rights and erode Sri Lanka’s democracy. At the outset, CPA notes the need to have frameworks that provide for the safety of individuals and groups, particularly children and women who are increasingly vulnerable to threats online. Nonetheless, such measures must be done in adherence to the fundamental rights provided in the Constitution and international standards. It is unfortunate that the present Bill’s concern regarding online safety is in name only. The Bill represents the latest attempt by the Government to introduce laws that expand the powers of the executive arm of Government with limited safeguards and wide scope for abuse. 

CPA’s concerns around the Bill relate to both the contents and the law-making process. CPA notes that the proposed Bill consists of numerous problematic provisions which include: vague and broad terminology defining prohibited statements and what constitutes online safety; the appointment of an Online Safety Commission by the President with expansive powers including the power to make rules for service providers and internet intermediaries who provide internet-based communications services; conferral of powers to the Minister to make regulations in respect of all matters which are required by the Act; and severe restrictions placed on the freedom of expression on social media. CPA also notes that the Bill entrenches punitive measures and deliberately targets freedom of expression and dissent. 

Further, CPA is concerned with the timing of the Bill. The publication of the Online Safety Bill alongside the revised Anti-Terrorism Bill on the same day are not coincidental acts and the apparent rush to move with both bills is indicative of an undemocratic legislative program. This has been steered by the present Government in creating a legal regime that enables the repression of freedom of expression and the right to dissent in Sri Lanka. Moreover, CPA notes that the proposed laws restrict such fundamental freedoms by broadening the scope for restrictions provided under “National Security”. It also expands the powers of the office of the executive President, with alarming consequences for Sri Lanka’s human rights, governance and democracy. 

CPA notes that there have been multiple attempts in the past by successive governments to legislate laws to restrict freedom of expression and the right to dissent. For instance, in 2015, amendments proposed to the Penal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure attempted to criminalise hate speech and the instigation of communal violence and disharmony. In 2021, the Cabinet approved the drafting of laws to “protect against the spreading of false and misleading statements through Internet.” It is also noteworthy that the Online Safety Bill is introduced in the context of the proposed Broadcasting Regulatory Authority Bill, which is yet to be gazetted by the Government. CPA has continuously pushed back against legislative attempts violating the fundamental rights of the people of Sri Lanka and is concerned with the process of legislating a bill of this nature. As such, CPA urges the Government to withdraw the Bill and commence a process to draft a law that is transparent and informed by different stakeholders with the intention of protecting fundamental rights and provide a robust and safe online space. 

Further comments on the Online Safety Bill are forthcoming.

To read the Full Statement in English – Click Here
To read the Full Statement in Tamil – Click Here
To read the Full Statement in Sinhala – Click Here

Proposed Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) – Preliminary Comments | September 2023

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes the publication of the revised Bill of the proposed Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) gazetted on the 15th of September 2023. A previous version of the Bill was gazetted on the 22nd of March 2023. CPA issued a statement raising several concerns relating to that version of the Bill followed by a submission of key concerns in response to the notice issued on 2nd May 2023 by the Ministry of Justice calling for submission of proposals on the ATA.

CPA notes that several revisions have been made to the initial version of the proposed ATA, such as the removal of the death penalty as a form of punishment and changes to the provisions concerning Detention Orders (DO) with the revisions providing the power to the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence to issue a DO for an initial period of two months. However, the revised bill continues to include problematic provisions, such as the overbroad framing of the offence of terrorism, authorising prolonged detention without charge including with extended remand periods, excessive powers granted to the executive to the detriment of the judiciary and fundamental rights, and perpetuating militarization. In particular, CPA is concerned with the provisions relating to curfew orders, which are patently unconstitutional and which seek to further expand the power of the Executive President. Further, CPA notes that the proposed ATA is the latest attempt to expand the power of the Executive President, contrary to the demands of the people to abolish the office evidenced most recently with the Aragalaya in 2022. Despite the demands for greater political accountability and a change in governance, the proposed ATA entrenches powers with the executive including broad powers to proscribe organisations, issue restriction orders and regulations and stipulate prohibited places.

CPA reiterates its concerns regarding the problematic process of the government’s belated and rushed efforts to extensively amend the ATA, particularly the limited scope for inclusive consultation and transparency in drafting the ATA. In this regard CPA notes with concern that the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL), which has a statutory responsibility in such a process, had to write to the government in order to obtain a copy of the Bill. Genuine consultation requires inclusivity and transparency in consulting communities / individuals who have been directly impacted by the use of such laws as the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), including long term detainees and their next of kin, in order to understand the impact of the PTA, the torture, and abuse it has facilitated. Despite the call for public submissions, the failure to correct some of the most problematic provisions of the ATA indicates to the process being a token effort than genuinely making the law-making process inclusive.

Moreover, the ATA is introduced in a context where anti-terror laws have been used and abused in Sri Lanka, which raises critical concerns as to how the proposed ATA may also be prone to such practices in a culture harbouring abuse and impunity. Such a culture coupled with limited transparency in the lawmaking process, offers little confidence to the people regarding the intentions of such proposed laws.

In view of the aforementioned concerns, CPA calls upon the government to withdraw the proposed ATA, and reiterates that any new process for drafting an anti-terror law should be transparent, accountable and be the product of a robust consultative process between all the relevant stakeholders and in adherence to international standards. In this regard, CPA expresses its continuing willingness to engage in a genuine transparent and consultative process.

A comprehensive report by the CPA on the proposed ATA will follow shortly.

To read the Full Statement in English – click HERE

To read the Full Statement in Tamil – click HERE

To read the Full Statement in Sinhala – click HERE

Economic Reform Index Wave 2 Top-line Report

This report presents the topline findings of the ‘Economic Reform Index Wave 2’, survey conducted by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. This island-wide survey examines public opinion on the current economy, and economic reforms discussed over the past few months. Fieldwork for the study was conducted from 21st to 29th August 2023.

Please download the English version of the report here. The Sinhala and Tamil versions of the executive summary will be published in due course.

Download the full report HERE

Read the Executive summary of the report in Sinhala HERE

Read the Executive summary of the report in Tamil HERE

Forty Years after Black July

This week marks the fortieth anniversary of the single most cataclysmic event in our post –
independence history – the anti -Tamil pogrom of July 1983. It is very sad and regrettable
that there are few, if any, public commemorations of the event and that the security forces
and the Police were deployed in large and disproportionate numbers and that at least in one
instance, force was used to disperse those at these meetings.
July 1983 led to the full -blown armed phase of the civil war, which lasted almost three
decades. Thousands of Tamils were killed, displaced and forced to flee abroad. We salute
the courage of the Sinhalese who gave them refuge. The country lost millions in terms of
foreign investment and tourism. Whilst a military victory against the LTTE was won in May
2009, forty years after the initial carnage and thirteen years after this military victory, a
political settlement of the conflict is yet to happen. The proposed Truth and Reconciliation
Commission has been met with skepticism and downright rejection from the families of the
victims; the cruelty of disappearances persists; the Prevention of Terrorism Act is yet to be
repealed and replaced; the Anti-Terrorism Act has been put on the back burner in response
to domestic and international pressure; the Thirteenth Amendment has yet to be
implemented in full anywhere in the country; police powers to the provinces provided in the
amendment may never be granted. The issue of accountability in respect of allegations of
war crimes and crimes against humanity is yet to be addressed. In addition, there are the
issues of land in the possession of the security forces to be resolved, the issue of the
archeological heritage of the land and security forces engagement in the civilian economy.
The citizens of Sri Lanka, especially our Tamil citizens and those that make up the diaspora
are deeply scarred by the events of July 1983 and their consequences. Sri Lanka needs to
heal, to reconcile, to unite, not least to come together to meet the deep and grave
challenge of governance that has spawned the current economic crisis and the issues of the
legitimacy, transparency and accountability of and in our governance and government. The
curse of impunity has to be comprehensively expunged from our public affairs.
We cannot allow any of this to happen to us ever again. We have to seize the opportunity
of building our future based on the principle of Unity in Diversity. To do this we cannot
forget. The state has to publicly acknowledge its crimes and misdemeanoures, even if
through the generosity in our hearts, we can begin to forgive.

Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
Executive Director

 

To read this document in Tamil, Click Here

To read this document in Sinhala, Click Here

Proposed Anti – Terrorism Act (ATA) – Key Concerns Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) May 2023

In response to the notice issued on 2nd May 2023 by the Ministry of Justice calling for submission of proposals on the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) by interested parties, the following document contains an initial comment reflecting key concerns that the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has observed, and has continuously raised in the past.

Based on the breadth of the problematic provisions highlighted below – including the overbroad framing of the offence of terrorism, detention without charge with extended remand periods, excessive powers granted to the executive to the detriment of the judiciary, and increased militarization – CPA urges the government to withdraw the ATA.

 

To read the Full Submission in English click HERE

To read the Full Submission in Tamil click HERE

To read the Full Submission in Sinhala click HERE

 

 

Unpacking Sri Lanka’s 21st Amendment to the Constitution

The 21st Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution has recently been enacted in response to large-scale public protests that galvanized citizen involvement in politics. This amendment aims to restore and strengthen the balance of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary, which had been eroded by the previous government’s actions. The previous 20th Amendment had expanded the powers of the presidency, which led to widespread concerns over authoritarianism and a push for reform.
Has the 21st Amendment effectively restored balance of powers in Sri Lanka’s government?

Economic Crimes

Economic crimes such as corruption, fraud, money laundering, and tax evasion have severe consequences for society, often perpetuating inequality and undermining human rights. In many countries, the problem of economic crime is exacerbated by the capture of state institutions, where powerful individuals and organizations use their influence to subvert the rule of law and advance their interests.

Economic justice is essential to building a fair and equitable economy. It entails ensuring transparency, accountability, and the rule of law in economic decision-making processes. Without these principles, it becomes difficult to prevent economic crimes, which can have far-reaching implications for both individuals and the wider community.

One of the trends in economic crimes is the use of disreputable political funding, where politicians accept donations from individuals or organizations with questionable motives. This can lead to political interference and the subversion of democracy, further perpetuating economic injustice.

Strengthening laws and enforcement is crucial to prevent economic crimes. Authorities must have the resources, capacity, and independence to investigate and prosecute cases of economic crime effectively. This requires building robust legal frameworks that can hold individuals and organizations accountable, regardless of their status or connections.

The 2022 global crisis has highlighted the need for greater transparency and accountability in economic decision-making. As countries seek to rebuild their economies, it is essential to promote economic justice and build a sustainable economy that benefits all. By working towards a fair economy based on transparency, accountability, and the rule of law, we can create a world where economic crimes are minimized, and human rights are respected.

 

 

Elusive Justice and Emblematic Cases in Sri Lanka

The book examines the challenges faced by victims of past human rights abuses in Sri Lanka in their pursuit of justice. Despite facing numerous setbacks, including denials, intimidation, harassment, and surveillance, victims have persevered in their efforts to get answers about the fate of their loved ones. The State’s response to past violence has been characterized by denials and tactics aimed at delaying justice processes. Nevertheless, victim communities have engaged in decades-long agitation and mobilization efforts, resulting in the formation of initiatives such as the Mothers Front and protests for over 2000 days by families of the disappeared. Civil society organizations have also kept the issue of human rights and the need for justice alive through advocacy, documentation, and memorialization efforts. While a few cases have resulted in convictions, such as the Krishanthy Kumaraswamy and Embilipitiya cases, many others have faced setbacks at the investigations stage, with no immediate prospect of proceeding to trial. Overall, the book highlights the ongoing struggle for justice faced by victims of past human rights abuses in Sri Lanka.

CLICK HERE to download this book in English

 

 

 

Salient Aspects of Public Interest Litigation Jurisprudence in Sri Lanka

This book explores the role of Public Interest Litigation (PIL) in strengthening civil society’s contribution to public policy-making in Sri Lanka. At its inception, PIL was identified as a key activity of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), founded on the belief that citizens should have the opportunity to petition the court and highlight substantive issues, regardless of the judgment or direction of the court. Through a range of essays covering areas from IDP and land rights to gender and public finance, this publication confirms the importance of PIL in a functioning constitutional democracy and encourages citizens to pursue this option for the protection and enhancement of their rights.

CLICK HERE to download the book in English

The book will be available in Sinhala and Tamil shortly.

Survey on ‘Aragalaya’ – Topline Report

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

This report presents the topline findings of the ‘Survey on Aragalaya’ (popular uprising) conducted by Social Indicator (SI), the survey and research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. Against the backdrop of the economic and political crisis Sri Lanka is facing, this island-wide survey was designed with the aim of capturing the public attitude towards Aragalaya, and their economic ideology. Field work for the study was conducted from 22nd September to 12th of October 2022. 

Please download the English version of the report here.

Please download the Executive Summary in Tamil here.

Please download the Executive Summary in Sinhala here.

 

State response to the Right to Protest amidst the socio-economic and governance crisis February 2023

(Infographic)

The year 2022 was marked by a number of protests across Sri Lanka, fuelled largely by demands for accountability and solutions for the dire economic crisis, and against the crackdown on protests by the state. The sustained citizen-led protest movement, the ‘aragalaya’ (‘the struggle’), led to the resignation of both the former President and Prime Minister, brothers Gotabaya and Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Download and read the full document in English here:

Download and read the full document in Tamil HERE

 

 

 

CPA statement regarding concerns with continued repression in Sri Lanka

6th February 2023, Colombo, Sri Lanka:

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned by the excessive use of force, arbitrary actions and the blatant disregard for due process in arresting peaceful demonstrators on the eve and on the day of the 75th Anniversary of Independence of Sri Lanka, which was on the 4th of February 2023. Media reports evidenced the manner in which peaceful protesters engaged in a ‘satyagraha’, a form of peaceful protests,  were met with force and arrested, while they voiced legitimate concerns regarding the waste of public resources amidst the dire economic crisis in the country. Compounding this was the denial of access to their lawyers upon arrest.

Download the full statement in English here.

Download the full statement in Tamil here.

The statement will be made available in Tamil and Sinhalese shortly.

Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 4) – Topline Report: Tamil

This report presents the topline findings of the fourth wave of the ‘Confidence in Democratic Governance Index’ survey conducted by Social Indicator, the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. This island-wide survey examines the public opinion on areas of local government elections which is a subject of debate at present, perception on the household economy, and public satisfaction towards the economic management of Wickremesinghe government.

Fieldwork for the study was conducted from 12th to 18th of January 2023.

Please download the Tamil version of the report here.

Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 4) – Topline Report: Sinhala

This report presents the topline findings of the fourth wave of the ‘Confidence in Democratic Governance Index’ survey conducted by Social Indicator, the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. This island-wide survey examines the public opinion on areas of local government elections which is a subject of debate at present, perception on the household economy, and public satisfaction towards the economic management of Wickremesinghe government.

Fieldwork for the study was conducted from 12th to 18th of January 2023.

Please download the Sinhala version of the report here.

Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 4) – Topline Report

This report presents the topline findings of the fourth wave of the ‘Confidence in Democratic Governance Index’ survey conducted by Social Indicator, the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. This island-wide survey examines the public opinion on areas of local government elections which is a subject of debate at present, perception on the household economy, and public satisfaction towards the economic management of Wickremesinghe government.

Fieldwork for the study was conducted from 12th to 18th of January 2023.

Please download the English version of the report here.

Economic Reform Index – Executive Summary + Infographics (Tamil)

This report presents the findings of the ‘Economic Reform Index’ survey conducted by Social Indicator (SI); the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. This island-wide survey examines public opinion on the current economy, and economic reforms discussed over the past few months. Fieldwork for the study was conducted from 21 October to 31 October 2022.

Please download the executive summary in Tamil here.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Economic Reform Index – Executive Summary + Infographics (Sinhala)

This report presents the findings of the ‘Economic Reform Index’ survey conducted by Social Indicator (SI); the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. This island-wide survey examines public opinion on the current economy, and economic reforms discussed over the past few months. Fieldwork for the study was conducted from 21 October to 31 October 2022.

Please download the executive summary in Sinhala here.

 

 

 

 

Topline report of the Economic Reform Index

This report presents the topline findings of the ‘Economic Reform Index’ survey conducted by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. This island-wide survey examines public opinion on the current economy, and economic reforms discussed over the past few months. Fieldwork for the study was conducted from 21 October to 31 October 2022.

Please download the English version of the report here. The Sinhala and Tamil versions of the report will be published in due course.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Summary Findings and Overview of the Survey on Aragalaya (Tamil)

This report presents the summary findings and overview of the ‘Survey on Aragalaya’ (Protest) conducted by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. In the backdrop of the economic and political crisis Sri Lanka is facing, this island-wide poll was designed with the aim of capturing the public attitude towards Aragalaya, and their economic ideology. Field work for the study was conducted from 22nd September to 12th of October.

Please download the Tamil version of the report here.

Summary Findings and Overview of the Survey on Aragalaya (Sinhala)

This report presents the summary findings and overview of the ‘Survey on Aragalaya’ (Protest) conducted by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. In the backdrop of the economic and political crisis Sri Lanka is facing, this island-wide poll was designed with the aim of capturing the public attitude towards Aragalaya, and their economic ideology. Field work for the study was conducted from 22nd September to 12th of October.

Please download the Sinhala version of the report here.

Summary Findings and Overview of the Survey on Aragalaya

This report presents the summary findings and overview of the ‘Survey on Aragalaya’ (Protest) conducted by Social Indicator (SI): the survey and research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. Against the backdrop of the economic and political crisis Sri Lanka is facing, this island-wide poll was designed with the aim of capturing the public attitude towards Aragalaya, and their economic ideology. Field work for the study was conducted from 22nd September to 12th of October.

Please download the English version of the report here. The Sinhala and Tamil versions of the report will be published in due course.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TOPLINE REPORT OF THE CONFIDENCE IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE INDEX- WAVE 3

This survey report is the third wave of the Confidence in Democratic Governance Index, a scientific opinion poll that captures the public experience and opinion of the Aragalaya as well as various other aspects of the current economic and political crisis. As such, this study not only enhances ongoing political debate but also provides data-driven research to policymakers, academics, and various local and international stakeholders. This in turn supports a better understanding of the different dynamics prevalent among various social groups in society, which could help advocate for more sustainable policy interventions. The research study was conducted by Social Indicator (SI) the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives.

 

Please download the Topline report in English here.

Please download the Executive Summary in Tamil here.

Please download the Executive Summary in Sinhala here.

Centre for Policy Alternatives (Guarantee) Ltd., and Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu vs. The Attorney General (In Re the Bill titled Bureau of Rehabilitation Act)

29th September 2022. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director filed an application in the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of the Bill titled “Bureau of Rehabilitation Act”, published in the Gazette on 9th September 2022 and placed on the order paper of the parliament on 23rd September 2022.

The long title of the said Bill describes it as “an act to provide for the establishment of a bureau to be called and known as the bureau of rehabilitation; to regulate its powers, duties and functions and to provide for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto”. While the Petitioners recognized the need to integrate a process of rehabilitation into the criminal justice system, they noted that the impugned regulations violate several of the Constitutionally guaranteed Fundamental Rights, of the Petitioners as well as of the general public. The Petitioners contended that the process of rehabilitation should be done lawfully, with due respect and concern for due process standards, while respecting constitutionally guaranteed rights and liberties.

The Petitioners maintained that certain provisions in the Bill are inconsistent with Articles 10, 11, 12 (1), 13 (1), 13(2), 13(3), 14 A, 14 (1) in the Fundamental Rights Chapter of the Constitution. In view of the inconsistencies with the provisions of the Fundamental Rights chapter noted above, the Petitioners stated that the Bill has a prejudicial impact on the sovereignty of the People, and cannot be enacted into law except with the approval of the People at a Referendum, in addition to a 2/3 majority of the whole number of Members of Parliament voting in its favour.

CPA statement on High Security Zone Order No. 1 of 2022

25th September 2022, (Colombo) The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is gravely concerned by the Gazette published by President Ranil Wickremesinghe on the 23rd of September 2022, containing High Security Zone Order No. 1 of 2022. These orders/regulations designate several areas within the Colombo district as “high security zones” and impose a regime of strict regulation of activities within such areas and provide for penalties and harsher bail conditions.

Read the full statement in English here:

Read the full statement in Tamil here:

Read the full statement in Sinhala here:

 

Q&A HIGH SECURITY ZONE ORDER NO 1 OF 2022

What is the Official Secrets Act?

The Official Secrets Act No. 32 of 1955 is an archaic law in our statute books, said to be based on a much criticized and now abolished 1911 Official Secrets Act in the United Kingdom. The purpose of the Act is to ‘restrict access to official secrets and secret documents and to prevent unauthorized disclosure thereof’. The provisions of the act are outdated and draconian and create leeway for the abuse of power, suppression of dissent and violation of fundamental rights.

There have been instances of previous governments threatening to use the Act to suppress information and intimidate journalists. While High Security Zones (HSZs) have previously been established in Sri Lanka under the Public Security Ordinance and the Prevention of Terrorism Act, the use of the Official Secrets Act to establish HSZs sets a worrying precedent and is outside the scope of the Act.

Download the full document in English here.

Download the document in Sinhala here:

Download the document in Tamil here:

CPA statement regarding the IMF agreement with the Govt. of Sri Lanka

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) welcomes the announcement that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has reached an agreement with the Government of Sri Lanka on an Extended Fund Facility Arrangement to support economic adjustment and reform policies equivalent to USD 2.9 billion over 48 months.  We understand that an international creditors conference, the implementation of certain measures domestically, and the agreement of the IMF’s Board of Directors are necessary before any money can be disbursed.

Read the full statement in English here.

Read the full statement in Sinhala here.

Read the full statement in Tamil here.

Statement on the use of Detention Orders issued under the PTA by President Ranil Wickremesinghe

24th August 2022, Colombo:

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned by steps taken by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Minister of Defense, to issue three detention orders under section 9 of the Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act (PTA), permitting the detention of Wasantha Mudalige – Convener of Inter-University Students’ Federation, Hashantha Jeewantha Gunathilake and Ven. Galwewa Siridhamma Thera for a period of 90 days. This move to detain the three suspects for their alleged involvement in the recent protests is yet another example of the abuse of the PTA by the Executive, which there have been persistent calls for the repeal of for several decades. Moreover, this detention for the apparent involvement in the ‘Aragalaya’ appears to be yet another effort by the United National Party – Sri Lanka Podujana Party government to target protesters, and create a chilling effect in order to silence dissent.

Read the full statement in English here.

Read the full statement in Sinhala here.

Read the full statement in Tamil here.

CPA Statement on the Government’s Revised Twenty Second Amendment to the Constitution Bill

18th August 2022: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes the publication of the Twenty Second Amendment to the Constitution Bill (the Bill) [Part II of the Gazette of 29th July 2022, supplement issued on 02nd August 2022]. The Bill was also placed on the Order Paper of Parliament on 10th August 2022. The Bill, which has been gazetted as the Twenty Second Amendment, if enacted will become the Twenty First Amendment to the Constitution.

This is the second iteration of the Bill by the Sri Lanka Podujana Party (SLPP) – United National Party (UNP) government. The previous version of the Bill was never tabled in Parliament, and was criticised by many, including CPA.

CPA notes that whilst the Bill addresses some of the problems with the previous version of the Bill, it does not curtail the powers of the President nor introduce checks and balances in any meaningful manner, contrary to the demands of the people of Sri Lanka. CPA has carefully considered the contents of the Bill, and notes that the Bill has drawn from the weakest aspects of the Nineteenth Amendment and Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution. If enacted it would set up a system of government which would not address the concerns of citizens, for a more accountable and transparent government and in the long run could further undermine democratic institutions and the citizens’ faith in these institutions.

There are several serious problems with the Bill. As with the previous version of the Bill, in this version too, the composition of the proposed Constitutional Council (the Council) has been significantly diluted from what prevailed under the Nineteenth Amendment.

The proposed composition of the Council favours the government and enables the government to control or influence 7 of its 10 members. Thus, it is CPA’s view that the Council is merely an expanded version of the Parliamentary Council that exists under the Twentieth Amendment. The original intent behind the creation of the Constitutional Council under the Seventeenth Amendment, which was to de-politicise governance, involved two methods: one was to ensure a majority representation in the Council for non-politicians, and the other was to remove government dominance over the political members.  The composition of the Council proposed in the Bill achieves neither of those objectives and in turn undermines the independence of the institutions to which appointments are made through the Council.

Changes have been made to the President’s powers to appoint Ministers (Cabinet and Non-Cabinet) from among Members of Parliament. However, no change has been made in the President’s power to determine the number of Ministers and Ministries and the assignment of subjects and functions to such Ministries. Furthermore, the President will be able to appoint all Secretaries to Ministries on his own discretion. This again protects the executive power concentrated in the office of the President. The Bill also provides that the President shall hold the Defence Ministry and that he can assign to himself any other portfolio and function on the advice of the Prime Minister. Thus, on balance the Bill does little to address the concentration of powers with the Executive President.

The Bill limits the number of Cabinet Ministers that can be appointed to 30 and Non-Cabinet Ministers and Deputy Ministers to 40. Whilst these numbers are already too high, the Bill retains the nonsensical provisions of the Nineteenth Amendment relating to ‘national governments’, which will allow the government to by-pass these limits and appoint any number of Cabinet and Non-Cabinet Ministers.

More broadly the Bill represents a failure to understand the underlying public frustration in the system of governance that culminated in mass scale protests across Sri Lanka. This has been a consistent pattern in constitutional reform proposals put forward by the SLPP and SLPP–UNP governments. These proposals seem to be aimed at satisfying the political ambitions of a few politicians and political parties, rather than genuinely trying to address the crisis in governance that has plagued Sri Lanka.

As CPA has stated previously, on several occasions, the only appropriate institutional reform response to this unprecedented disaster through constitutional reform is the complete abolition of the executive presidential system, and the return to a full parliamentary constitutional democracy. Unless and until the unbridled and unchecked powers of the executive presidency are abolished and replaced with a Cabinet executive representative of and responsive to Parliament, it would be impossible to make the necessary decisions to resolve the present economic crisis.

For these reasons, it is clear from the perspective of both constitutional principle and constitutional design that the Bill is not in any sense a meaningful contribution to the necessary institutional reform that must be part of Sri Lanka’s economic recovery. It is at best an exercise in window-dressing to show the government is initiating token reforms to appease some with no significant positive impact for Sri Lanka and Sri Lankans. Given the need of the hour for comprehensive reforms to address this exceptional crisis and to ensure there is no repeat in this future, this Bill must be rejected.

To download this statement, click here.

Download the statement in Sinhala here.

Download the statement in Tamil here.

Summary Findings and Overview (Sinhala) of the CONFIDENCE IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE INDEX- WAVE 3

විකල්ප ප්‍රතිපත්ති කේන්ද්‍රයේ සමීක්ෂණ පර්යේෂණ අංශය වන සෝෂල් ඉන්ඩිකේටර් (SI) විසින් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ආණ්ඩුකරණය පිළිබඳ විශ්වාසනීයත්ව දර්ශකයෙහි (අදියර 3) වාර්තාවේ සාරාංශය ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇත. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව මුහුණ දී සිටින ආර්ථික හා දේශපාලන අර්බුදය හමුවේ, මෙම මත විමසුම සැලසුම් කර ඇත්තේ මහජන අත්දැකීම්, අරගලය පිළිබඳ ඔවුන්ගේ මතය සහ වර්තමාන ආර්ථික දේශපාලනික අර්බුධයේ විවිධ පැතිකඩ පිළිබඳ මහජන මතය ග්‍රහණය කර ගැනීමේ අරමුණින් ය.

කරුණාකර සිංහල වාර්තාවේ සාරාංශය මෙතනින් භාගත කරන්න.

Summary Findings and Overview (Tamil) of the CONFIDENCE IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE INDEX- WAVE 3

இந்த அறிக்கையானது மாற்றுக் கொள்கைகளுக்கான நிலையத்தின் கணிப்பீட்டாய்வுப் பிரிவான சோஷல் இன்டிகேட்டரினால் சமீபத்தில் நடாத்தப்பட்ட ஜனநாயக ஆட்சி தொடர்பான நம்பிக்கைச் சுட்டி (3வது அலை) ஆய்வின் முடிவுகளை வெளியிடுகின்றது. இலங்கை தற்போது முகம்கொடுக்கும் அரசியல் மற்றும் பொருளாதார நெருக்கடி நிலைமையில் பொதுமக்களின் அனுபவங்களையும், ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் மற்றும் தற்போதைய அரசியல் பொருளாதார நெருக்கடி தொடர்பான பல்வேறுபட்ட அம்சங்கள் பற்றிய அபிப்பிராயங்களையும் அறிந்துகொள்ளும் நோக்கில் இந்த ஆய்வு வடிவமைக்கப்பட்டது.

Read the summary findings in Tamil here:

 

Summary Findings and Overview (English) of the CONFIDENCE IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE INDEX- WAVE 3

This report presents the summary findings and overview of the Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 3) conducted by Social Indicator (SI); the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. Given the economic and political crisis, Sri Lanka is facing, this poll was designed with the aim of capturing the public experience, their opinion on the Aragalaya, and various aspects of the current economic and political crisis. Since the situation in Sri Lanka is volatile, this survey had to be conducted within a very short period of time, employing SI’s countrywide field network. Field work for the study was conducted from the 1st to the 5th of August.

Please download the English version of the report here.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives and Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu vs. The Attorney General [SC FR 262/ 2022]

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed a Petition in the Supreme Court challenging the Emergency (Miscellaneous Provisions and Powers) Regulations No.1 of 2022 gazetted by Extraordinary Gazette No 2289/07 dated 18th July 2022.

CPA had previously raised concerns about the declaration of State of Emergency and provided a commentary on Emergency (Miscellaneous Provisions and Powers) Regulations No.1 of 2022. A State of Emergency was declared in two previous instances this year, on 1st April 2022 and 6th May 2022. On both occasions, the former President did not cause the proclamations declaring the said States of Emergency to be placed before Parliament for its approval. Thus neither of such Proclamations was approved by Parliament. Accordingly, Dr. Saravanamuttu had previously challenged this mala fide declaration of the State of Emergency (of May 2022) and the unconstitutional and overbroad Emergency Regulations.

The Petitioners argue that the power of the Executive to make Emergency Regulations must be exercised reasonably and proportionately. Furthermore, it was submitted that in addition to the concerns raised about specific Emergency Regulations, as a whole the Emergency (Miscellaneous Provisions and Powers) Regulation No.1 of 2022 are overbroad and vague and undermine the fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

The Petitioners further stated that the regulations contained in Emergency (Miscellaneous Provisions and Powers) Regulation No.1 of 2022 do not address the economic and political crisis faced by the country and have been designed and/or promulgated with the collateral purpose of stifling dissent and the freedom of assembly and not to address any legitimate public security concern.

Sri Lanka – Civil Society Statement on attacks and reprisals against peaceful protesters

2nd August 2022

We, the undersigned individuals and organizations strongly condemn the ongoing attacks including violence, false labeling and legal reprisals against unarmed peaceful protesters by the Sri Lankan government. We call for an immediate end to reprisals against those exercising their constitutionally protected rights to advocate for change.

Read the full statement here.

 

Request for action on the attacks against peaceful protestors on 21st of July 2022 and other incidents of violence

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has monitored recent incidents of violence including incidents that targeted peaceful protestors, media personnel and lawyers including the events of 21st/22nd July 2022 with grave concern. We issued a statement containing our initial concerns on 22nd July 2022. This letter raises several issues in relation to the inaction by the authorities and the need for action.

Read the full letter in English here. 

Emergency Regulations promulgated in May and July 2022

On the 17th of July 2022, Acting President (as he then was) Ranil Wickremesinghe declared a State of Emergency with effect from the 18th of July 2022, by way of Gazette Extraordinary No.2288/30. Thereafter, on the 18th of July 2022, he brought into effect the Emergency (Miscellaneous Provisions and Powers) Regulations, No. 1 of 2022 by way of Gazette Extraordinary No.2289/07. These regulations were virtually identical to the regulations by the same name that former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa brought into effect in May 2022, though
two minor differences made the incumbent President’s regulations more draconian in effect; Sections 408-426 of the Penal Code are added to the list of offences under regulation 12, and the period of detention of a suspect before production before a Magistrate under Regulation
17(2) has been extended to 72 hours, from 24 hours.

Read the full document in English here:

Read the full document in Sinhala here:

Read the full document in Tamil here:

 

CPA STATEMENT IN RE TO ATTACK ON GGG 22ND JULY 2022

22nd July 2022, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) vehemently condemns the violent attack by the authorities on the protestors, lawyers and media personnel at the Galle Face green soon after midnight on the 21st July 2022. CPA notes that the attacks are all the more heinous as they came just hours after protestors had publicly expressed their desire to leave the premises of the Presidential Secretariat and to allow the new President time to prove himself. These senseless attacks by security forces have undermined peace & security and have further escalated tensions in Sri Lanka.

 

Read the full statement in English here:

CPA Statement on the declaration of a State of Emergency on the 18th July 2022

18th July 2022, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre of Policy Alternatives (CPA) expresses its grave concern about yet another declaration of a State of Emergency by way of Gazette Extraordinary No. 2288/30, dated 17th July 2022. This is the first such declaration by Acting President Ranil Wickremasinghe since assuming office on the 15th of July 2022, and the third such declaration in the country in the past four months. Former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa previously declared a state of emergency twice this year, and thrice in the course of his presidency.

Read the full statement in English here:

Read the full statement in Sinhala here:

Read the full statement in Tamil here:

AG’s decisions to drop charges

In the period from 2019-2022, the Attorney General’s Department decided to drop charges in several high profile cases. No reasons were publicly given as to why charges were dropped. It is also in a context when the department seemingly had sufficient evidence to file indictments in the respective cases. These decisions to not proceed coupled with other factors that pose multiple challenges in obtaining justice highlights the grave threat to the Rule of Law and entrenched impunity in Sri Lanka.
The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has previously highlighted the need for both structural and operational reforms to ensure the effectiveness and independence of the Attorney General’s Department.
Read the document in English here.

CPA Statement on the Government’s Twenty-Second Amendment to the Constitution Bill

30th June 2022: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes the publication of the Twenty-Second Amendment to the Constitution Bill (the Bill) [Part II of the Gazette of 24th June 2022, supplement issued on 29.06.2022]. The Bill, gazetted as the Twenty-Second Amendment if enacted will become the Twenty-First Amendment to the Constitution. The Bill is the government’s institutional reform response to the unprecedented mass protests and the loss of confidence both by the citizens of Sri Lanka and international partners in our system of governance.

Read the full statement in English here.

Read the full statement in Sinhala here.

Read the full statement in Tamil here.

Centre for Policy Alternatives (Guarantee) Ltd., and Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu vs. Mr. Sagara Kariyawasam M.P General Secretary, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna [SC. FR. 203 / 2022]

15th June 2022. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director filed a Fundamental Rights application challenging the appointment of Mr. Dhammika Perera to fill the vacancy created by the resignation of Mr. Basil Rajapaksa, as a Member of Parliament elected under Article 99A of the Constitution (the National List).

In accordance with Article 99A of the Constitution, CPA’s position is that a person is only entitled to be nominated to fill such a vacancy if their name was included in the district nomination papers or national list submitted by the relevant political party. Mr. Dhammika Perera’s name was not on the list submitted by the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna [SLPP] to the Election Commission under Article 99A of the Constitution or in any nomination paper submitted in respect of any electoral district by the SLPP for the General Election held in 2020.

The Petitions also highlight the appearance of very real bias and conflicts of interest caused by Mr. Perera’s appointment as a Member of Parliament and possibly a Cabinet Minister, due to his ownership in a multitude of different business ventures in a variety of sectors ranging from plantation, power generation, licenced commercial banks, finance companies and consumer goods. Article 91(1)(e) of the Constitution disqualifies a person with any such interest in any such contract made by or on behalf of the State or a public corporation from being a Member of Parliament.

Accordingly, CPA submits that Mr. Perera’s appointment is illegal, arbitrary, irrational, grossly unreasonable, contrary to law and will if unchecked cause grave and irremediable harm and prejudice to the People of Sri Lanka and the Rule of Law itself. CPA further maintains that this appointment constitutes an infringement and continuous infringement of the fundamental rights of the People of Sri Lanka guaranteed under Articles 10 [Freedom of thought, conscience and religion], 12(1) [Right to equal protection of the law], and 14(1)(a) [Freedom of speech and expression] of the Constitution.

 

 

 

CPA STATEMENT ON CONSTITUTIONALITY OF APPOINTMENT OF MR. DHAMMIKA PERERA AS A MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT THROUGH THE SLPP NATIONAL LIST

10th June 2022: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is concerned by several media reports that the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) has appointed Mr. Dhammika Perera to fill the National List seat which became vacant by the resignation of Mr. Basil Rajapaksa. CPA notes that according to media reports, Mr. Dhammika Perera was not a member of the SLPP until a few days ago and that in any event his name was not included in the list of persons qualified to be elected as Members of Parliament, in terms of Article 99A of the Constitution (the “National List”) or any of the district lists submitted by the SLPP for the Parliamentary Election held in August 2020.

Read the full statement in English here.

Read the full statement in Sinhala here.

Read the full statement in Tamil here.

Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu vs. The Attorney General and 3 others (Challenging the Proclamation of the State of Emergency)

6th June 2022. The Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed a Petition in the Supreme Court challenging the Proclamation of the State of Emergency by Gazette Extraordinary No. 2278/22 dated Friday, 6th May 2022 and the Emergency (Miscellaneous Provisions and Powers) Regulation No.1 of 2022.

CPA had previously raised concerns about the declaration of state of emergency being a pretext to curtail the freedom of expression, assembly and other democratic rights.  The manner in which indiscriminate arrests have taken place and use of Emergency Regulations over the past several weeks reinforced CPAs concerns and compelled CPA to take action to attempt to prevent further harm.

In his Petition Dr. Saravanamuttu argued that as of 6th May 2022, there were no circumstances in the country which could reasonably support the decision of the President to declare a State of Emergency. He also emphasises that within a period of two months the President declared a State of Emergency twice and on both occasions did not cause the proclamations declaring the said States of Emergency to be placed before Parliament. Accordingly, it was submitted that the said State of Emergency was promulgated in bad faith and with the ulterior purpose of preventing peaceful protests by citizens calling for the President’s resignation.

Dr. Saravanamuttu also states that as a whole the Emergency (Miscellaneous Provisions and Powers) Regulation No.1 of 2022 constitute an abrogation of the fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution and that the said Emergency Regulations are overbroad and vague and do not constitute permissible restrictions of fundamental rights.

 

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP AS A ROUTE TO GREATER EMPOWERMENT REPORT ON THE DIAMOND LEADERSHIP MODEL

Diamond Leadership Study on Women Political Empowerment in Sri Lanka (2019/2020)


The Centre for Policy Alternatives together with the Sri Lanka Democratic Governance Assistance Project (SDGAP) of USAID conducted a study to analyze the progress of women’s advancement in Sri Lanka as well as factors supporting and barriers hindering it in Sri Lanka. The Diamond Leadership Model (DLM)  focuses on women’s empowerment at three levels (High, Mid and Low) and measures the effectiveness of women’s leadership in the legislative, executive, judicial and security sectors. This study frames key recommendations based on its findings which will help the government and civil society institutions working on women’s leadership and political empowerment, to design and implement their respective programs and policy initiatives more effectively.

This study consists of two components; one involves collecting available data of women holding leadership positions in four sectors to generate the Women’s Power Score (WPS). The 12 indicators of the DLM combined to generate the Women’s Power Score (WPS) of Sri Lanka. To account for women’s representation at different tiers of all four sectors of governance, weighted scores for each sector are calculated. Women’s share of positions in the High tier is weighted three times as much as women’s share of positions in the Low tier, and women’s share of positions in the Mid-tier are weighted twice as much. The total score is divided by 6 to find the country-level WPS.

The quantitative part of the study comprises of finding the above-explained WPS which included a primary quantitative data collection mainly via desk research. Desk research covered relevant data published in official websites, authenticated previous studies and reports, national libraries including parliament library, national newspapers, and public documents available in respective government institutions. With the data received, the women’s power score was measured, and an analysis carried out in comparison with other countries in which this study has been applied.

The qualitative research included a series of face-to-face interviews with 48 key individuals in which their ideas on women’s political empowerment in the country were brought into perspective. The findings were gathered through structured questionnaires for each sector, then analyzed to explore the non-numerical factors that underlie women’s advancements among other prospects.

The project offered an advanced understanding of the nature and extent of women’s leadership and political empowerment and examined the actual share of women’s representation using 12 indicators that cover three tiers; high, mid, and low positions in four government sectors; the executive, legislature, judiciary and security. It helped identify major trends and challenges about women’s leadership in Sri Lanka based on the DLM.

 

Download the report in English here.

CPA Letter to the IGP and AG requesting action on the violence against peaceful protesters on the 9th May 2022

CPA has deemed it necessary to deliver a letter to both the IGP and AG requesting action be taken in regard to the violence against the peaceful protestors at ‘GotaGoGama’ and ‘MynaGoGama’ by persons and groups affiliated with Mahinda Rajapakse. CPA notes that speeches that were tantamount to inciting violence were made by the former PM, former Ministers, and MPs to the gathered at Temple Trees before they were unleashed upon the peaceful protestors.

Read the full letter here.

 

Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 2): Report

This survey report is the second wave of the Confidence in Democratic Governance Index, a scientific opinion poll that assessed public experiences as a result of the crisis, the causes for it, as well as the solutions to it from the lenses of the Sri Lankan public. As such, this study not only enhances ongoing political debate, but also provides data-driven research to policy makers, academics and various local and international stakeholders. This in turn supports a better understanding of the different dynamics prevalent among various social groups in society, which could help advocate for more sustainable policy interventions. The research study was conducted by Social Indicator (SI) the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives.

Read the full report in English here.

Read the executive summary of the report in Sinhala here.

Read the executive summary of the report in Tamil here.

 

CPA Statement in Regard to the Appointment of Ranil Wickremasinghe as the PM

Notwithstanding the serious criticisms of the Prime Minister pertaining to political credibility, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) hopes that he will be able to stem the country’s descent into the direst economic circumstances, the Governor of the Central Bank recently warned of, attract the crucial bridging funds we so badly require and negotiate an agreement with the IMF.

Read the full statement in English here.

Read the full statement in Sinhala here.

Read the full statement in Tamil here.

Basic Communications Technology for Citizen Activists

The “Basic Communications Technology for Citizen Activists” is a tri Lingual publication of the CPA in 2016, using simple language to introduce grassroots citizen activists to the most popular e-communications and new media platforms including G- Mail, YouTube, and Facebook among others.
In the modern era of impact-making social media activism, this simplified manual aims to educate emerging citizen activists on using the internet and social media to effectively and efficiently organize their communications and networking strategies.
The manual helps readers understand the basics of electronic communication and modern communication technologies and introduces readers to Gmail, Facebook, Whatsapp, and Viber and an online Unicode converter called Real-Time, which will help activists break language barriers in their online communications. Staying safe in cyberspace is given priority at every step of this
basic guide.
The manual also introduces readers to interacting with www.citizenslanka.org; innovative trilingual information and networking website available to citizen activists in Sri Lanka.

Read in English here.

Read in Sinhala here.

Read in Tamil here.

Dr. Asanga Welikala on Advocata Conversations: FULL DISCUSSION | Ep.02 | Murtaza Jafferjee

CPA Research Fellow Asanga Welikala’s Advocata Conversation with Murtaza Jafferjee on the Sri Lankan Constitution. Issues discussed in this wide-ranging interview include the need for constitutional reform in addressing the current economic crisis, why the abolition of executive presidentialism is imperative for democratisation and the avoidance of future crises, and the design features of the Opposition’s Twenty First Amendment Bill.

Dr Asanga Welikala is a Research Fellow of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA). He has been associated in various capacities with CPA for over 22 years. Asanga is a Senior Lecturer and the Head of Public Law, and the Director of the Edinburgh Centre for Constitutional Law, at the School of Law, University of Edinburgh.

CPA statement in regard to State of Emergency imposed by the President on the 6th of May 2022

7th May 2022, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned by the President’s decision to declare a State of Emergency under section 2 of the Public Security Ordinance (PSO) with effect on the 6th of May 2022 as per Gazette Extraordinary No. 2278/22. This is the second time the President has declared a State of Emergency in the span of five weeks, with no credible justification provided, in a context when Sri Lanka has witnessed weeks-long peaceful protests across the island. Despite the peaceful citizen mobilisation, CPA is alarmed by the violent and intimidatory tactics used by authorities, with the declaration of state of emergency being the latest move to crush dissent and other democratic rights.

Read the statement in English here.

‘If Rajapaksas Don’t Go, There Could Be Violence in Lanka; Country Is Bankrupt; Poverty Over 50%’ (Video)

In a 30-minute interview with Karan Thapar for The Wire, Dr Saravanamuttu first speaks about the protests and the way they have united Sri Lanka’s buddhists, Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Although they are not as widespread in the north and east of the island, where the Tamils live, there are protests there as well. Dr Saravanamuttu explains why the intensity in the north and east is less.

Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (2nd wave): Summary Findings and Overview

This report presents the latest findings of the Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 2)
conducted by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. This
scientific opinion poll aims to capture a snapshot of public experiences under the current crisis situation.
Further, the poll also examines the causes for the crisis as well as the solutions to the crisis from the
lenses of the Sri Lankan public. Given the fragile political condition, this survey was conducted within a
very short period of time employing SI’s countrywide field network.

Read the summary and overview here.

Download Infographic here.

Download Infographic here. 

Download Infographic here.

Download Infographic here.

Download Infographic here.

Download Infographic here.

Right to Information: Issues and Challenges of Policy and Implementation

December 2021, CPA released its publication titled Right to Information: Issues and Challenges of Policy and
Implementation which is an analysis of the recent use of the RTI Act by journalists. The publication
includes hitherto unpublished case studies of RTI being used as an effective tool to raise concerns on a
range of policy positions, and their implementation and highlights the paradox between policies in
theory and experiences in practice. Journalists have presented their personal opinions and views based
on their analysis of various social issues, some relating to a particular area or community.
The report also contains an summarized analysis of the public calls to CPA’s RTI 113-030-463 hotline
during 2021.
A long-standing struggle and sustained advocacy of various human rights actors has led to the landmark
decision to introduce the Right to Information (RTI) as an integral part of the Fundamental Rights
chapter of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution. This publication, supported by FNF, follows
from more than a decade of advocacy by CPA to promote the Right to Information in Sri Lanka and then
to support the effective use of this right by journalists and activists, in the public interest.
For more information on CPAs RTI Hotline pls click https://www.cpalanka.org/rti-help-desk-at-cpa-
information-and-posters/
CPAs other publications on RTI include
 Information about the Right to Information (Sinhala and Tamil language)
 The Right to Information and Media Practice https://www.cpalanka.org/cpa-outreach-
unit-publication-and-research-study-on-rti/ (E/S/T)
 Responsiveness of Public Authorities to Right to Information Applications submitted via
Email https://www.cpalanka.org/cpa-outreach-unit-publication-and-research-study-on-rti/
(E/S/T)

The titled Right to Information: Issues and Challenges of Policy and Implementation can be downloaded in English here.

Can be downloaded in Sinhala here.

Can be downloaded in Tamil here.

CPA Statement in Regard to Police Shooting and Killing Protesters in Rambukkana

20th April 2022: (CPA) is deeply concerned by the violence witnessed on 19th April 2022 in Rambukkana, which has resulted in the death of one person and reports of dozens more injured, after law enforcement officers opened fire on protestors agitating on the recent increase on fuel prices.

Read CPA official statement in regard to the incident in English here.

Read in Sinhala here.

Read in Tamil here.

 

 

Impeachment and No Confidence Motion Procedure and Protocol Explained

19th April 2022, Colombo: In lieu of the political and economic crisis that has the country in a stranglehold and the island wide protests calling for the ousting of the Rajapaksa’s and their govt. The SJB has stated that they would present an NCM motion against the govt. and an impeachment motion against President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa to the Speaker when Parliament reconvenes today (19) after the New Year holidays.

Considering current events CPA has deemed it vital to prepare this Q&A in order provide clarity and explain the constitutionality, protocol and procedure of an Impeachment and NCM motion.

Download the Q&A in English here.

Download the Q&A in Tamil here.

Download the Q&A in Sinhala here.

Human Rights and Democracy in Sri Lanka (Book)

CPA launches Report on Threats to Journalists, HR Defenders and Civil Society 2022,

CPA and FMM jointly held an event April 7 2022 to launch the Report on the Analysis of HRD Cases and Articles, resulting from the recent project on Promoting Human Rights and Democratic Values in Sri Lanka. The Report, titled Human Rights and Democracy, Threats to Journalists, HR Defenders and Civil Society 2022, was issued in all three languages and is available at the CPA and FMM websites.

Speakers at the event held 7th April in Janaki Hotel, Colombo, included Attorney-at-Law and Senior Researcher, Thusitha Siriwardena who presented the report, Guest Former Speaker, Karu Jayasuriya,  Attorney-at-Law Lakshika Ratnayake, Media Expert, Wijayananda Jayaweera,  the CPA Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, Senior Lecturer in Sociology, Dr. M T M Mahees and there was a Special Presentation by a Commissioner of the Human Rights Commission, Dr. M.H. Nimal Karunasiri. A short documentary was also screened of the project findings and the current Sri Lankan context.

The objective of the six month project was to reinforce the freedom of media, promote access to information and freedom of expression by strengthening journalist practices while developing a sustainable shared platform for civil society, media, regional/ Colombo-based organisations and human rights defenders

Project participants will actively work together to strengthen and leverage their capacities towards creating alternative spaces for protection and inclusive political participation, and pushing for reversal of human rights violations and threats to fundamental freedoms.

Project activities

The project was completed in the period 1 Oct 2021 to 31 March 2022. Expert mentors were selected to lead the programme and the Online Technical Tool Kit was drafted with the aim of ensuring Digital and Physical Safety for the participants comprising provincial and national level 250+ journalists/civil rights activists/CSOs/ human rights defenders. Workshops were held through Zoom and  in the project areas to train  on ‘Digital and Physical Safety’ for provincial and national level 250+ journalists/civil rights activists/CSOs/ human rights defenders. Training included a component on the use of RTI Act for investigative journalist practices, and planning on how to achieve project objectives. The project outputs included knowledge/communication products such as handbills, booklets, toolkits, and multimedia (audio and video) products on recent examples of media freedom violations/ threats to HR defenders.

New networks were created and existing ones strengthened so that there is increased  coordination and more solidarity between journalists/media, local minority community leaders/CSOs/human rights defenders provincially and island-wide. The use of RTI-elicited information in news productions and training to enhance news literacy was promoted.

Provincial and island-wide issues of shrinking human rights freedoms have been identified via 10 affiliated organisations and stakeholders defenders provincially and island-wide  and  more than a dozen articles were drafted on significant cases by journalists, including their  recommendations. A secure database was set up for collection of cases and incidents, and a new App was launched for quick access to this programme. The innovative Whistle Blower App allows users to report anonymously and automatically erases their electronic connections to the stories for their security.

The final Report was published, analysing more than two dozen major incidents and cases of threats to journalists during the project period and giving policy recommendations to address the issues. The project was supported by the British High Commission through its Magna Carta Fund, a strategic programme fund dedicated to tackling the root causes of human rights violations worldwide.

The Research analysis Report, titled Human Rights and Democracy, Threats to Journalists, HR Defenders and Civil Society 2022 is available for download below in English here.

Download book in Tamil here.

Download book in Sinhala here.

Official CPA statement in regard to the current state of crisis & public outcry for change in leadership

5th April 2022: As thousands of civilians flock to the streets across the Island in protest of the Rajapaksha regime’s mishandling and mismanagement of Sri Lanka’s economy and Government, CPA deems it of vital importance to clearly state its official standpoint in regard to the state of crisis in Sri Lanka and the public outcry for the current regime to be ousted. The document further outlines the necessity for the abolishing of the Executive Presidency and the need to protect the fundamental rights of every citizen at any cost.

Read the statement in English here.

Read the statement in Sinhala here.

Rights of those arrested by Law enforcement [the Police or the Military]

“The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is gravely disturbed by news reports of the Police not providing information on citizens who have been arrested/ detained. In order to ensure all citizens are aware of their legal rights, CPA has prepared this short question and answer document. The document explains the rights of those arrested/ detained and of their family members, to obtain information and access to legal representation.”

Read document in English here.

Read document in Sinhala here.

Read document in Tamil here.

The Scope and the Content of The Constitution: Perspectives of Opinion Leaders

24th February 2022: The Scope and Content of the Sri Lankan Constitution: Perspectives of Opinion Leaders comprises a summary of findings that assesses the knowledge, attitudes and perceptions of leaders from the four main ethnic communities (Sinhala, Tamil, Up Country Tamil and Muslim) across the island. These leaders included religious leaders, government officials, office holders of community-based organizations, teachers and school principals.

The assessment adapted and applied International IDEA’s constitutional performance assessment methodology to collect these leaders’ perceptions on the constitutional text and realities on current constitution, the Presidency, human rights and the nature of political and economic order. The Constitutional Performance Assessment was undertaken through a partnership between Social Indicator (SI); the survey and research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) and the Edinburgh Centre for Constitutional Law (ECCL).

Download the full report in English here

Download the full report in Sinhala here

Download the full report in Tamil here

 

Why the amendments to the Prevention of Terrorism Act are insufficient (A Visual Summary)

CPA’s commentary on the proposed amendments to the Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act note the minimalist approach and basic reforms insufficient to address ground realities. Aspects which require urgent reform as highlighted by legal scholars, civil society actors and even the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka have also not been addressed in the Bill. The commentary further takes the view that the proposed amendment to the PTA appear to be more a token effort to address international pressure rather than a genuine and effective exercise to address ground realities and the abuses and violations brought about by the PTA.

(An Initial comment to the proposed amendments with further advocacy will follow after the tabling of the bill in Parliament.)

To read the full commentary, click here.

 

Confidence in Democratic Governance Index

The Confidence in Democratic Governance Index was conducted in light of assessing the system of governance under the Gotabaya Rajapaksa regime that was elected to power in November 2019.

Although the current regime promised vistas of prosperity and splendor, the soaring cost of living, food shortages and the crippling economy has left the citizenry in disarray. The mismanagement and imprudent social, economic and political policies executed amidst a public health crisis, has resulted in a system of governance that has created a near humanitarian catastrophe.

Multiple presidential task forces headed by military personnel (or those with a military mindset) that bypass existing channels of democratic processes, coupled with an emphasis on Sinhala majoritarian supremacy, has been a few of the key highlights in the current regime.

In this context, the national survey aimed to gather public perception pertaining to the government’s performance and pledges, preferred forms of governance, the role of the military, an assessment on social conditions, the legitimacy of COVID-19 regulations and fair treatment during the pandemic.

The research study was conducted by Social Indicator (SI) the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives.

To read this report in English, click here.
To read an executive summary of this report in Sinhala, click here.
To read an executive summary of this report in Tamil, click here.

To view a series of infographics flagging some of the key findings in this report, click here.

Commentary on Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) (Amendment) Bill 2022

31st January, 2022, Colombo, Sri Lanka: This commentary examines in brief, proposed amendments for the Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act (PTA) which were approved by Cabinet on 24 January 2022 and subsequently gazetted. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has prepared this document as an initial comment to the proposed amendments with further advocacy to follow after the tabling of the bill in Parliament.

At the outset CPA notes that the proposed amendments follow a minimalist approach, introducing only basic reforms which are insufficient to address ground realities. Many of the aspects which require urgent reform as highlighted by legal scholars, civil society actors and even the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka have not been addressed in the Bill. In this light, the proposed amendment to the PTA appears to be more a token effort to address international pressure rather than a genuine and effective exercise to address ground realities and the abuses and violations brought about by the PTA. The present document raises several of these concerns with CPA reiterating its previous call for the repeal of the PTA. Further, while reiterating CPA’s earlier concerns and the need for new legislation upon the repeal of the PTA, CPA calls for an immediate moratorium on the use of PTA until an acceptable law can be drafted.

Several key concerns consistently raised by CPA and others and in the jurisprudence on the PTA have not been addressed in the amendments.

  • The amending Bill does not address problems with the admissibility of statements and confessions under the PTA. The provisions of the PTA waive the application of the Evidence Ordinance and there are no safeguards to be followed in recording confessions and statements from suspects. This has been particularly pointed out as a matter for concern by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka in Maridas v The State.
  • The period of 72 hours after arrest and before production before a magistrate has not been amended. This is a loophole in the PTA which facilitates the torture of those arrested under the PTA while in custody.
  • The lack of judicial oversight during investigations has not been addressed by the amendments. The extensive powers granted to investigating officers including to take suspects from place to place, creates space for the continued violation of their rights as many reported being subjected to torture during such periods of being taken out of prison for interrogation.
  • The definition of the acts which fall within the offence of terrorism is of a broad and vague nature, and has allowed the PTA to be used even in instances where its use is not warranted. This has not been addressed by the amendments.
  • The access to an attorney-at-law is already provided for by law and the amending provision does not ensure the protection of the right to representation of the accused. Many PTA prisoners mention difficulties, particularly financial difficulties they face retaining legal counsel, as well as due to the nature of the cases, since there is stigma attached to appearing for a PTA accused. The amendments fail to address this issue.
  • There is no provision in the PTA for information to be provided at the time of arrest on the cause of arrest and the rights of the suspect. This is in violation of Article 13(1) of the Constitution and Sri Lanka’s international obligation under Article 9(2) of the ICCPR.
  • The PTA gives broad rule making powers to the minister and this has led to several instances where regulations which enable abuse and human rights violations have been made under these provisions. Most recently, the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalization from holding violent extremist religious ideology) Regulations No. 01 of 2021 which can further jeopardise the rights and liberties of persons, especially religious and ethnic minorities, and curtail political dissent with no effective due process guarantees has been promulgated under this provision. The amendment fails to address this.
  • Section 6 of the PTA gives extensive powers of search and seizure. The implementation of these powers should be carried out in a manner consistent with the inherent dignity of the person and international human rights law. The implementation of these measures relating to search and seizure should be professional and transparent and subject to oversight and judicial scrutiny. The amendment fails to address this.

The present document consists of two parts. Part I, will provide a brief initial comment on the impact of the proposed amendments to the PTA. CPA concludes that the proposed amendments are grossly inadequate and represent an absolute minimalist approach, introducing only basic reforms which are insufficient to address ground realities. In this light, the proposed amendment to the PTA appears to be more a token effort to address international pressure rather than a genuine and effective exercise to address ground realities and the abuses and violations brought about by the PTA.

Part II will give a brief overview of the historic criticism of the PTA, including pronouncements made by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka questioning the constitutional legitimacy of the law.

To read this commentary in English, click here.
To read this commentary in Sinhala, click here.

To read this commentary in Tamil, click here.

 

 

Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu files Petition in the Supreme Court (SC SD 8/2022) against proposed Special Goods and Services Tax Bill

January 28th, 2022, Colombo, Sri Lanka: On the 27th of January 2022, the Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed a Petition in the Supreme Court (SC SD 08/2022) challenging the proposed Special Goods and Services Tax Bill, which was published in the Gazette of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka of 7th January 2022, and placed on the Order Paper of Parliament on 20th January 2022. The Bill seeks to provide for the introduction of a special goods and services tax which will operate in lieu of several other existing taxes, levies etc., and for the collection and administration of the same. 

It is argued that several clauses in the instant Bill are inconsistent with the Constitution, including several entrench provisions, and thus cannot be passed into law except if approved by the people at a referendum in addition to a two-thirds vote of the whole number of the Members of Parliament in favour as required by Article 83(a) of the Constitution. 

The Petition challenges clauses 2, 3 and 9(1) of the Bill. Clause 9(1) provides that the Special Goods and Services Tax, imposed under section 2, and payable by a taxable person shall be paid directly by the respective taxable person, by way of an electronic fund transfer to an account opened and maintained in the name of the Designated Officer for the purposes of this Act, and such payment shall be deemed to be a credit to the Consolidated Fund. 

This is a deviation from the usual process by which monies collected by way of taxes are ordinarily credited or remitted to the Consolidated fund. The Petition argues that this deviation could result in a dilution of the control Parliament has over Public Finance, which is important to ensure that public money is utilized in trust for the public. The Petition notes that a dilution of parliamentary oversight could result in corruption and a misuse of funds. 

 

Parliament: Law, History and Practice

 

It gives us great pleasure to introduce this short treatise on the law, history, and practice of the Parliament of Sri Lanka.

The colonial origins of the legislature go back to 1833 when a Legislative Council was first established to provide advice and consent to the Governor in the making of laws for the peace, order, and good government of the island. In 1931, whilst still a British colony, the legislature became the first in Asia to be elected on the basis of adult universal franchise. With independence in 1948, Parliament became a sovereign legislature, and after 1972, the principal legislative organ of the Sri Lankan Republic.

This book has been written in a context in which Parliament has a new constitutional prominence after the structural changes effected by the Nineteenth Amendment to the 1978 Constitution in 2015. Indeed, it is the first extended consideration of the constitutional role and operation of Parliament after the Nineteenth Amendment and the introduction of a comprehensive new committee system in 2016. In late 2018, the Parliament of Sri Lanka attracted the approbation of the democratic world when it successfully withstood an attempt to subvert the Constitution, demonstrating not only its new institutional resilience but also its maturity as the national legislature of an established democracy. It is our hope that this
book will contribute to the continuing reinforcement of Parliament’s role in national life, and thereby to the further development of Sri Lanka’s constitutional democracy.

The book is primarily meant to assist the work of Members and staff of Parliament, although we hope it will be useful to the general reader as well. It covers the main areas relevant to the study of the powers and functions of a modern legislature that draws its customs, conventions, and practices from the traditions shared by all Commonwealth Parliaments.

To download this publication in English, click here.

For a Sinhala translation, click here, and for a Tamil translation, click here.

Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu’s speech on Human Rights Day 2021

17.12.2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu spoke at an event to mark Human Rights Day 2021. Among the topics touched on were the increasingly authoritarian and ethno-majoritarian policies of the incumbent government, and the challenges faced by civil society activists under the current socio-political climate.

Watch the full speech:

 

Policy Recommendations On Preventing Violent Extremism in Sri Lanka

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

December 17th, 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Violent extremism, especially amongst youth has persisted all over the world, carrying with it the potential to destroy the socio-political, cultural and economic fabric of societies in a trail of death and destruction. One feature of all this stands out and that is the frustration of the youth to be heard, to be taken seriously and brought into the discussion of public policy-making as a key stakeholder. Therefore, the Capacity Building and Outreach Thematic Group of the CPA, in collaboration with academics of respective universities, facilitated these discussions, creating an unrestricted space for undergraduates in 10 universities of north, south, east, west, and the centre of the country to express their opinions on issues, challenges and recommendations with regard to preventing violent extremism in Sri Lanka. This is not an exhaustive analysis on the issue of “Preventing Violent Extremism” but a compilation of views of university undergraduates representing the youth of the country on the topic of violent extremism, and is expected to be a paper that contributes to the ongoing debate on combating violent extremism in Sri Lanka.

 

To read and download the full report in English, click here
To read and download the full report in Sinhala, click here
To read and download the full report in Tamil, click here

A Commentary: Legal and Policy Issues related to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Sri Lanka

December 17th, 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The COVID-19 health crisis has posed a range of unprecedented legal, political, economic and social challenges for Sri Lanka since March, 2020. While the government was successful in containing the first wave of COVID-19, the pandemic response has since unravelled, revealing issues with the heavily militarised and politicised approach favoured by the government. As the country gradually emerges from the latest wave of COVID-19, it has to grapple with the economic fallout and the rising cost of living brought on by the pandemic and its misgovernance, which may require an immediate and robust legal and policy response.

From the outset, the broader trends of militarisation, politicisation, repression, and marginalisation characterised the approach to manage the health crisis. Pandemic governance to date has also exacerbated ongoing processes of authoritarianism and executive aggrandisement, with grave implications for the rule of law, separation of powers and democratic governance.

Various briefs, guides and other documents were issued previously by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) (and included later in the document as annexures), capturing the different legal and policy regimes set in place at various stages of the pandemic response, and related concerns.

The present commentary serves as a non-exhaustive analysis of the pandemic response, with an aim to explore issues and implications that emerged from March 2020 to November 2021. To this end, the document will first provide an overview of the relevant structures and legal frameworks introduced to contain the spread of COVID-19. Secondly, it will identify issues related to governance, restriction and abuse of fundamental rights, continued marginalisation of vulnerable communities, and limited accountability for irregularities caused during the pandemic response, to indicate that the current approach has resulted in restrictions on civil liberties, mismanagement of the health crisis, and other irregularities, with limited avenues to ensure transparency and accountability of the pandemic response.

Read the full commentary here.
To read this commentary in Sinhala, click here.
To read this commentary in Tamil, click here.

CPA at 25: Reform and Reconciliation

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Twenty-Five Years!

 
It has been a long journey of patient plodding and frequent frustration and then, in the memory, a shorter and exciting one too, of upholding principles in public interest litigation, electoral violence and malpractice, the ravages of war, a constitutional coup, death threats and public vilification, amongst other excesses of executive power and authority.

 The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) was founded in the belief that civil society has an important role to play in the making of public policy. Civil society in this respect is not about capturing state power, but rather about setting an agenda for public policy for the government of the day to adopt and implement and of ensuring a context of rights enjoyment, protection and enhancement, which underpins this. As the title of this volume indicates this is a story of the protection and strengthening of the rights of citizens against violation by the state, of resistance to illiberal and unconstitutional encroachments on basic rights and freedoms, of reform of the public policy agenda to acknowledge and institutionalize the Rule of Law and Equality before the Law without fear or favour in the architecture and practice of governance and government and to reconcile all the peoples of this island in the celebration of Unity in Diversity. In this respect and twenty-five years notwithstanding, the work of CPA will always be a work in the state of becoming. Not of being.
 

Criticism

I would like, at the onset, to address some of the criticisms made against us. The first of these is that we are and continue to be an elitist and Colombo based organisation unconcerned with what affects the average citizen.

It is true that we have prioritized fundamental rights. We totally disagree that this is not of concern to the average citizen for, it is her rights that we are fighting for and without a sound constitutional framework of fundamental rights the average citizen will not attain the unity, peace and prosperity she desires and deserves. Admittedly, perhaps we have not made this point sufficiently or adequately to the population at large. However, we have tried and will continue to ensure that all our work is carried out in all the three languages of Sinhala, Tamil and English and in this regard we would like to remind our critics that the work of the Outreach Unit and the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) with an island-wide network, is done mainly in the official languages. Moreover, we have Vikalpa and Maatram, our two websites in Sinhala and Tamil, respectively.

A second criticism is that we work according to the agenda of foreign governments, since they are our main funders. Yes, they are our main funders because there is no funding in Sri Lanka for civil society work in the fields of human rights and governance. if only there were! Furthermore, the allegation that we take their money to implement their projects is completely untrue in that we identify our priorities and go out and seek funds to implement them. That there is a congruence, between Western donor priorities and ours, is not a coincidence, because they too are formally committed to a world of human rights protection, the Rule of Law and constitutionalism.

And yet another criticism is that we are too confrontational with governments and a cat’s paw for the opposition. It should be noted that for the twenty-five years of our existence, some twenty have been under a UPFA government headed by President Kumaratunga and the Rajapaksa brothers, Mahinda and Gotabaya. Throughout this period the UNP has been the Opposition for over twelve years with another eight years in government. The mission and mandate of CPA is policy research and advocacy on governance and conflict transformation from a human rights perspective and in these turbulent times, the Opposition was more in accord with our views than the government of the day. Moreover, the policy platform on which the government was formed in 2015, was defined and designed by liberal civil society research and advocacy over two decades at least and liberal civil society had a duty to ensure that it would not be jettisoned. Accordingly, the distinction between working with government as opposed to working for them and losing one’s independence and credibility was a position we upheld during the tenure of that government.

Earlier on, the call for the annulment of the Wayamba election in 1999 blotted our copybook with the Kumaratunga government, which set up a rival organisation to contest every media communiqué CMEV put out; advocacy for human rights protection and accountability did not sit well and perhaps still does not sit well, with either Rajapaksa regime. That we are partisan towards the UNP, stands in stark contrast to our public interest litigation when they were in office and our continued human rights advocacy.

 

Achievements

Over the twenty-five years we have pioneered civic media in Sri Lanka with our award winning Groundviews website, which serves as a platform for the counter-narrative of the day and for news and opinions insufficiently covered in the mainstream media or not covered by the latter at all. Social Indicator is the only civil society polling unit which polls public opinion on contemporary social and political issues, island wide. It also has seven years of data on the public’s views with regard to war and peace in the country. CMEV which arose out of the very first activity of the organisation – monitoring of election violence – and which encountered censure and sanction from the government when it called for the annulment of the infamous Wayamba election, is now one of two nationally recognised election monitoring organisations in the country.

We have a rich reserve of data on constitutional issues including strengthening of parliament, federalism and devolution and our public interest litigation programme, has as much highlighted issues of current importance and raised awareness of rights violations, as it has succeeded in winning cases. Of particular importance is the spearheading of advocacy for human rights protection and accountability, bringing together civil society organisations from around the country.

 

Origins and Acknowledgements

CPA grew out of the Centre for Policy Research and Analysis (CEPRA), set up by the Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo, Professor G.L. Peiris. CEPRA held the first public meeting on the 1995 proposals of the government for a new constitution. When CEPRA wanted to hold a similar meeting in Sinhala, we were told by the student body that we would not be allowed to do so. In any event the ethic on campus and the bureaucracy stood in the way of CEPRA achieving the objectives of its founders as an innovative research institute. Jayadeva Uyangoda, Rohan Edrisinha and I, all working at CEPRA, decided to move out and set up an organisation that would not encounter such impediments. We decided that our board would reflect the political opinions of the day and that I would be the Executive Director. CPA owes its name and initial articles of association to Uyan. Our founding grant was from the Asia Foundation and a loan from INFORM facilitated by Charlie Abeysekere, a founder Director. I must acknowledge the support and solidarity from Ed Anderson, the Representative of the Asia Foundation.

I must place on record my appreciation for two founder Directors – Charlie Abeysekere and Bradman Weerakoon. Their wealth of experience, their enthusiasm and encouragement for the aims and work of CPA and their commitment to the organisation, was invaluable. CPA will always be indebted to them. Likewise, Shelton Wannasinghe who was also a particular pleasure to work with as a senior member of the Board, especially when the organisation came under attack

in the years after the war. Another former Director who I must acknowledge is Dr Arjuna Parakrama who designed the methodology of CMEV, which CMEV follows to the present day and who also set up a translation programme Vibasha and the first Media Monitors –both of which are still spoken about. Finally, amongst former members of the Board I must acknowledge CPA’s debt to Kethesh Loganathan who headed the Peace and Conflict Unit. Kethesh brought to CPA his years of experience of the Tamil struggle for self-determination and his personal knowledge of the key LTTE and other guerilla leaders of the time. Accordingly, in his years at CPA he deepened our knowledge of peace and conflict and sometimes, not easily.

A special mention must be made of founder Director Rohan Edrisinha, who was the founder of the Legal Unit, now the Research and Advocacy Unit and the programme of Public Interest Litigation. Rohan’s vast knowledge of constitutional and public law attracted many a young researcher to CPA and laid the foundations for the work on federalism and devolution as well as the now well -established programme of Public Interest Litigation.

Many of the older members of CPA will remember Jean Godlieb head of Administration and a veritable mother to the staff. Her patience, efficiency and warmth made the organisation, from the outset, a happier workplace.

Over the twenty- five years, CPA has had many friends amongst the international human rights organisations, international NGOs and universities. To them we offer our thanks for their support and solidarity, in good times and bad and express the hope that when the need arises, we can work together again.

I must thank all the staff of CPA and our interns both foreign and national, for their dedication to our values and excellent work. For many of them, working for CPA was their first and only job. In particular I must thank Lionel, Asanga, Bhavani, Sanjana, Pradeep, Dev, Mirak, Sriyanie and Renuka for their brilliant work, which, in some cases, was unprecedented and for their commitment and sustained dedication to the work and values of CPA.

Many of them have gone on to excel themselves in work for the United Nations as Resident Representatives and in election monitoring, for their own governments as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defence, for our own national institutions like the first Office for Missing Persons and in academia abroad. The staff of CPA makes CPA and CPA in turn has changed their lives, I hope they will agree, for the better.

I hope and trust that CPA will continue its work into the future. And that it will keep working better.

In conclusion, I would like to quote the poet Robert Browning as I did when I delivered the Gandhi Memorial Oration:

“Ah but a man’s reach should exceed his grasp; Or what’s a heaven for?”

So be it for the Centre for Policy Alternatives for the next twenty -five years and more!
 

Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu

Founding Executive Director
 

To read and download the full publication in English, click here.
To read and download the full publication in Sinhala, click here.
To read and download the full publication in Tamil, click here.

 

Comment: Legality of the State Response to the Right to Protest in the light of the Covid-19 Pandemic

November 29th, 2021: The right to protest, as manifested in the freedom of assembly, association, and expression, is an important feature of a democratic society that facilitates civic engagement in political processes beyond just voting at elections. This right is vital for the healthy functioning of a democracy, and while it is recognized that the right to protest can be subjected to certain limitations, it is equally important to ensure that these limitations are not the results of ad-hoc and arbitrary measures contrary to the rule of law and the equal protection of the law as guaranteed by Article 12 of the Constitution.

Sri Lanka has a rich history of protests as means of airing grievances, and for demanding accountability and recognition for rights and freedoms. In the recent months, a large number of protests have taken place across the island, including but not limited to the many protests over the controversial Kotelawala National Defence University (KNDU) Bill, the fertilizer ban, and the ‘Pottuvil to Polikandy’ (P2P) march.

However, on 6th July 2021, the police announced that protests and public meetings were banned until further notice to contain the spread of COVID-19. The police further stated that transgressors will be dealt with according to quarantine regulations. Since then, there has been a host of arrests of persons for engaging in public protests, which stood in contrast with the relaxation of several regulations put in place to prevent the spread of Covid-19 in July.

On 9th November 2021, new regulations were introduced by way of Gazette (Extraordinary) No. 2253/10 to limit the size of public gatherings and make it mandatory to obtain prior approval of Director General of Health Services to hold gatherings, activities, events or similar places of meetings. Incidentally, the regulations were introduced days before the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) planned to hold a mass demonstration in Colombo. On 15th November, updated health guidelines applicable from the 16th to the 30th of November were also issued. It is notable that while indoor gatherings were among the permitted events mentioned in the schedule of the guidelines, “outdoor private gatherings” were not allowed to be held.

In his address to the nation on 20th August 2021, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa said that “[I]t is clear that this is not a time for strike actions and protests. Do not attempt to destabilize the country.” Similarly, insinuations were made by several others assigning blame to protesters for the recent surge in Covid-19 cases across the island. However, Professor Tissa Vitharana, a prominent virologist and Member of Parliament for the SLPP reportedly stated that there is no evidence to show that the recent protests contributed to the rapid spread of Covid-19.

The press release announcing the ban in July failed to establish the legal basis for the ban on protests and demonstrations, raising concerns about the legality of this measure.

Restriction of fundamental rights by way of issuing regulations has also raised similar concerns. Arrests and forcible quarantine of protesters, discussed later in the document, highlight instances of the misuse of quarantine regulations to quell dissent and enable arbitrary and selective action on the part of law enforcement authorities, with significant implications for rights and freedoms relating to assembly, association, and speech.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has consistently raised concerns regarding the legality of COVID-19 related restrictions, and despite this questionable legality, a considerable number of arrests have been made due to alleged violations.

Several guides, comments, and other documents were issued previously by CPA on a range of legal and policy issues linked to COVID-19. The present comment will briefly examine the limitations imposed on the right to peaceful protest under the guise of managing the health crisis, with a particular focus on the current ban on protests and public gatherings. The comment will first provide an overview of the constitutional and legal basis for the right to protest in Sri Lanka, followed by an outline of the state response to several protests that were held during the Covid-19 pandemic. The comment will then identify areas of concern by assessing the ban on protests based on three criteria relating to legality, proportionality, and purpose, to demonstrate that the state response to the recent protests has adverse implications for the rule of law, independence of the judiciary, and the fundamental rights of citizens.

To read the full comment, click here.

Two Years

18th November, 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Two years ago, after campaigning on a pro-nationalist platform promising a wide mandate, Gotabaya Rajapaksa took oath as Sri Lanka’s 8th Executive President.

 

To mark two years of his term in office, the Centre for Policy Alternatives looks back on some of the defining moments of his presidency so far.
To view the video in Tamil, click here.
To view the video in Sinhala, click here.

 

 

A Constitutional Performance Assessment: National Poll

15th November, 2021: The 20th amendment to the Constitution that was passed into law on the 22nd of October 2020 provided wide sweeping powers to the executive that further endangered the crippling democratic space prevalent in the country. Furthermore, the pandemic and its limitations have enabled the government to continue with its autocratic rule and sustain it with intense militarization of civilian spaces. 

Amidst this backdrop, this national survey was conducted in light of the government’s proposed plans for constitutional change. The knowledge, attitudes and perceptions of the public towards the current Constitution, the presidency, the judiciary, the nature of political order and human rights are some of the main areas that have been quantitatively assessed in this study. Data gathered from this national poll aims to enrich public debate on the broad needs and principles of constitutional reform in Sri Lanka.

  • Click here to read the full report.
  • To read a summary of the report in Sinhala, click here.
  • To read a summary of the report in Tamil, click here.

 

 

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CPA calls on Government to rescind Presidential Task Force on ‘One Country, One Law’

28th October 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply shocked and disturbed by the appointment of the latest Presidential Task Force mandated to implement the ‘One Country, One Law’ concept, including the drafting of a law to give effect to it, headed by Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Thero.  The appointment of the Task Force at a time of unprecedented economic hardships and unravelling of government policies raises a plethora of questions including the compounding of a culture of governance by task forces, the promotion of divisive Buddhist clergy linked to incitement of violence and attacks against religious minorities; all of which entrench impunity.

CPA further notes that the phrase ‘One Country, One Law’ – widely deployed in the run up to and during the 2019 Presidential election, has a very specific majoritarian connotation, and is by no means an expression of a desire for equality or the equal protection under the law. Rather, the advocates of the phrase deliberately distort Sri Lanka’s legal history and legal system, and promote a false narrative of a legal system which benefits minorities and hark to a mythical time where Sri Lanka was governed by “one legal system”.

CPA notes that there are many aspects of the Sri Lankan legal system including aspects of personal laws, which do not meet the human rights standards guaranteed in Sri Lanka’s constitution or Sri Lanka’s international obligations. A serious attempt to bring these laws in line with these human rights obligations would require a genuinely representative and consultative process led by persons with the integrity and capacity to do so. This task force is the antithesis of such a genuine and inclusive approach and CPA calls on the government to immediately rescind the relevant Gazette notification.

CPA has previously raised concerns over the government’s reliance on multiple ad hoc structures, established since 2020, that supersede existing institutions and mechanisms.  The vaguely termed mandate of this Task Force compounds fears regarding transparency and accountability, and raises further worrying questions about its implications for the ongoing legal reform processes in Sri Lanka.

Further, CPA notes that Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Thero is an unapologetic champion of ethno-nationalist rhetoric and hate speech against the Muslim community in particular, with no known action taken to independently investigate or hold him to account.

Moreover, the Thero was convicted for contempt court for his unruly behaviour in the Homagama Magistrate Court when he intimidated the Magistrate and insulted a State Counsel, a sign of his complete disregard for the rule of law in Sri Lanka. In another blow to the rule of law, the Thero was granted a Presidential Pardon in 2019, a move challenged by CPA in the Supreme Court.

We reiterate our belief that providing any space for such a figure is a blatant mockery of basic decency in governance and a clear indicator of a very divisive public policy agenda. He is totally unsuited to perform any role in governance, let alone law reform in Sri Lanka. Thus, the present move must be democratically countered.

Inability or unwillingness to immediately stop such action will only fast track Sri Lanka’s slide towards majoritarian authoritarianism backstopped by militarization of government and governance, with deeply alarming consequences for Sri Lanka and Sri Lankans.

The above statement can be downloaded in English, Tamil and Sinhala.

 

CPA Statement on the Proposed Amendments to the Code of Criminal Procedure Act

14th October, 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned about the proposed Bill to amend the Code of Criminal Procedure Act, published in the Gazette on the 8th of October 2021. The proposed amendments seek to dispense with the requirement of producing a suspect or accused before the Magistrate or Judge of the High Court in certain instances where they would otherwise normally be produced in Court. The Bill, proposed as a permanent amendment, must be evaluated in light of existing problems of Sri Lanka’s criminal justice system where custodial torture and abuse have become almost a norm. Despite the constitutional guarantee providing for the freedom from torture, decades of precedent demonstrate the continuous failures by the State to take tangible measures to protect this fundamental right, resulting in a culture of impunity. In such a context, CPA is disturbed that the proposed amendments are likely to further exacerbate existing problems and therefore urges the government to not proceed with the Bill.

In addition to the culture of abuse and torture, detainees are repeatedly prevented from having meaningful access to lawyers, despite the existence of legal protections guaranteeing such access. Against such a backdrop, compounded by reports of abuse and torture, the production of suspects or accused persons in Court is one manner in which the judiciary is able to act as a check on their safety and wellbeing. Permanently removing such an essential safeguard is unacceptable and deeply troubling.

Furthermore, the grounds on which personal attendance can be dispensed with as provided in the Bill are broad, vague and may be subject to abuse by authorities. For instance, among the reasons for which a suspect may not be produced are ‘where there is a likelihood of the suspect or accused obstructing the proceedings of court’. It is unclear how the Attorney General, officer in charge of the relevant police station or the superintendent of prisons as per the Bill will determine when such an obstruction is ‘likely’, or what amounts to an obstruction.

Finally, CPA is also concerned with the purpose and timing of the Bill in a context when Sri Lanka’s criminal justice system faces a plethora of challenges requiring urgent attention, with no information publicly available as to why the present Bill has received prioritization over other more pressing matters. The apparent rush to move with this Bill must also be contrasted with other initiatives entailing the establishment of committees and consultations, with no such interest shown with the present Bill.  This Bill, if implemented, carries significant implications for the safety of detainees and further entrenches custodial torture in Sri Lanka.

This statement is available in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Vacancy: Field Assistant cum Research Assistant – Social Indicator Team

Centre for Policy Alternatives has a vacancy for an experienced individual to work as:

FIELD ASSISTANT cum RESEARCH ASSISTANT – SOCIAL INDICATOR TEAM 

QUALIFICATIONS/EXPERIENCE

  • Enrolled student or graduate in Political Science, International Relations or Social Sciences or in any related field of study 

                 or

  • Research experience or relevant professional qualifications

OTHER SKILLS/ATTRIBUTES

  • Strong research and analytical skills and the ability to assist the research team in survey implementation
  • A team player who can also work independently 
  • Willingness to travel out of Colombo on field work
  • Language proficiency in both English and Sinhala OR English and Tamil 
  • Competency in Microsoft Office applications 
  • Good coordinating skills  
  • Excellent interpersonal skills 
  • Dynamic and able to multi-task in a confidential, challenging environment 

APPLICATIONS: Please forward your application together with a resume with contact details of two non-related referees, within ten days of this advertisement. 

The position applied for should be indicated on the subject line of email.

Centre for Policy Alternatives, 6/5, Layards Road, Colombo 5 OR email to [email protected] 

07th October 2021

 

Vacancy: Researcher – Research and Advocacy Team

Centre for Policy Alternatives has a vacancy for an experienced individual to work as:

RESEARCHER– RESEARCH & ADVOCACY TEAM

QUALIFICATIONS/EXPERIENCE

  • Political Science, International Relations or Social Sciences Degree or
  • Research experience or relevant professional qualifications

OTHER SKILLS/ATTRIBUTES

  • Strong research and analytical skills 
  • Excellent written and spoken English 
  • Excellent interpersonal skills 
  • Dynamic and able to multi-task in a confidential, challenging environment 
  • Knowledge of Sinhala and/or Tamil would be an advantage.
  • High competency in Microsoft Office
  • Willingness to travel out of station on work 

 

APPLICATIONS: Please forward your application together with a resume with contact details of two non-related referees, within seven days of this advertisement. 

The position applied for should be indicated on the subject line of email.

Centre for Policy Alternatives, 6/5, Layards Road, Colombo 5 OR email to [email protected] 

23rd September 2021

CPA Statement on allegations against State Minister of Prison Management and Prisoners’ Rehabilitation

15th September 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply disturbed by media reports of two incidents this week where the State Minister of Prison Management and Prisoners’ Rehabilitation Lohan Ratwatte is alleged to have abused his position by entering two prisons inebriated, and attempted to assault remand prisoners. On Sunday 12 September, the State Minister is reported to have entered the Welikada Prison with a group of friends. Subsequently he is reported to have travelled by helicopter to Anuradhapura where he had entered the Anuradhapura Prison and ordered two suspects at gunpoint to kneel down in front of him. Both these incidents reflect the alarming trend of flaunting political office for personal gratification, the callousness and disregard for the rights of prisoners and human dignity, the use of arms to threaten individuals and the contempt for the rule of law in Sri Lanka. In light of the serious nature of these incidents, CPA calls for the immediate resignation of the State Minister, for the authorities to initiate a credible investigation into the incident, and action taken without fear or favour.

CPA also notes that such incidents occur against the background of previous incidents of violence including several prison riots which led to the deaths of inmates with no known domestic process of accountability. This is compounded by past incidents of violence linked to the State Minister including his alleged involvement in the murder of ten Muslim youth in Udathalawinne in 2001 where he and several others were indicted for the murders but subsequently acquitted. In such a context of impunity, there are genuine fears of evidence tampering and witness intimidation that will undermine an independent process meant to investigate and hold perpetrators accountable. These speak to the setbacks with justice in multiple emblematic cases and the urgent need for structural reforms in Sri Lanka.

These two incidents occurred whilst Sri Lanka’s human rights record is being discussed at the ongoing 48th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). In fact, the incidents occurred on the eve of the Government of Sri Lanka’s response to the oral update of the High Commissioner for Human Rights with the Government claiming that they are “committed to achieving tangible progress on the entire range of issues relating to accountability, reconciliation, human rights, peace and sustainable development”. Inability at this critical juncture to take swift and firm action related to these two incidents, among many others, will send a clear message that the Government of Sri Lanka has no genuine intention of following through with its own statements and further reinforce reports by victims and civil society of the repressive climate and impunity in Sri Lanka. This is also days prior to the commencement of the United Nations General Assembly session where President Gotabaya Rajapaksa is tipped to participate, providing an opportunity for Member States of United Nations and the office of the United Nations Secretary General to raise concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation and entrenched impunity in Sri Lanka and the need for Sri Lanka to uphold the values enshrined in the United Nations Charter.

This statement can be read and downloaded in English, Tamil and Sinhala.

CPA Outreach Unit Publication and Research Study on RTI

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) Outreach Unit, officially launched the RTI Publication, “The Right to Information and Media Practice” and the Research report on the ‘Responsiveness of Public Authorities to Right to Information Applications submitted via Email’ on the 21st of January, 2021 at the Renuka City Hotel, Colombo. The initiative was conducted in partnership with the Naumann-Stiftung für die Freiheit (FNF).

The Publication is a collection of news articles and success stories derived through RTI elicited information by prolific journalists and RTI users who have worked closely with CPA. While investigative journalism is one of the key contributions that strengthen democracy and accountability, the publication includes a series of wide-ranging stories proving that RTI is a potent weapon of investigative journalism. The publication aims to empower journalists and the public to utilize RTI legislation to secure documentary proof they need to add credibility to their stories and report in a more balanced and responsible manner. Hence, the launch of this publication will benefit in the long-term towards bolstering investigative journalism while strengthening democracy, fair governance, and accountability and popularize the use of RTI amongst the Sri Lankan media and the civil society.

The above publication ‘The Right to Information and Media Practice’ is available for reading in English, Sinhala, and Tamil.

The research study aims at assessing the responsiveness of public authorities to requests for information made via emails. Emphasizing the importance of the use of electronic media in requesting information in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic situation, a total of 695 requests for information were sent by email in Sinhala and Tamil, to the official email addresses of 695 public authorities. The research recommends the need to replace functioning email addresses of all public authorities in relevant websites, to widen public awareness about the implementation of the right to information using electronic means and for authorities to support and respond to information requests through electronic means as the best alternative to the direct exercise of the right to information amid the COVID-19 pandemic situation.

The research study ‘Responsiveness of Public Authorities to Right to Information Applications submitted via Email’ can be read and downloaded in English, Sinhala, and Tamil

 

 

Initial comment on the Declaration of a State of Emergency and Regulations for the Maintenance of Essential Supplies and Services

September, 2, 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: On the 30th of August 2021, by way of Gazette 2243/1, President Gotabaya Rajapakse issued a proclamation under Section 2 of the Public Security Ordinance (Chapter 40) as amended. In the Proclamation, the President states that ‘I am of the opinion that it is considered expedient to do so in order to ensure the Public Security and well being and maintenance of supplies and services essential to the life of the community in view of the prevailing emergency situation in Sri Lanka in the context of the COVID – 19 pandemic now steadily on the rise throughout Sri Lanka’. It has widely been reported that private banks are unable to finance food imports due to foreign exchange shortages, and as such a food shortage is expected. This is amidst rising food prices both locally and internationally. However, the government claims there are no shortages but only distribution issues with vendors hoarding stocks.

The present comment is prepared by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) to briefly explain the legal basis for the declaration of a state of emergency and specifically Emergency (Provision of Essential Food) Regulation, No. 1 of 2021 published in Gazette 2243/3 dated 30th August 2021.

Section 2 of the Public Security Ordinance (PSO) empowers the President to declare a State of Emergency in two situations; when the President is of the opinion that it is expedient to do so-

1) in the interest of public security and the preservation of public order, or

2) for the maintenance of supplies and services essential to the life of the community.

CPA has previously commented on the constitutional and legal scheme of a State of Emergency and what it entails, in the context of the State of Emergency that was declared by President Maithripala Sirisena in 2018.

Unlike the previous emergencies that were declared following unrest in 2018 and the Easter Sunday Bombings in 2019, the present declaration of emergency appears to be reliant on the second component relevant for the maintenance of supplies and services essential to the life of the community. However, CPA notes that regardless of the reason for the declaration of a State of Emergency, once such a declaration is made it gives the President wide powers with only limited checks and balances. With the declaration of a State of Emergency on 30th August 2021, the President is now able to promulgate Emergency Regulations dealing with any subject at any given time. Considering Sri Lanka’s history with emergency, other security related laws and legacy of repression, this raises serious concerns. The implementation of the present regulation and possible future steps require close attention.

This commentary is available for reading in English and Tamil. A version in Sinhala will follow shortly.

Mangala Samaraweera: An Appreciation

25th, August, 2021, Mangala Samaraweera was a personal friend and a friend of CPA.  He shared our vision and dream of a Sri Lanka in which all of its peoples would respect each other and strive together for the peace, prosperity and reconciliation, our country desires and deserves.  Like us, he believed in the Rule of Law and the equality before the law for all citizens without fear or favour and like us, he spoke truth to power, standing defiantly against the mudslinging and hysteria of his detractors.

I knew Mangala before he entered politics, in his Art Centre Club days basking in the Bohemian ambience of the place and in the liberalism it nurtured.  I remember conversations with him and Chanaka Amaratunga on the fundamental principles of liberalism and once he became an organizer in Matara, his amusement at his constituents commenting that he was humble enough to wear his father’s trousers and not an example of the recent fashion, an area in which he excelled and revolutionized too. We weren’t always on the same page politically, especially over the violent excesses of the infamous Wayamba provincial election, but we always remained friends.

His political achievements are many.  Every Sri Lankan owes him a debt over the privatization of Sri Lanka Telecom, an enduring legacy of organizational skill and political acumen.  In the field of human rights and reconciliation he was the champion first of the Mothers Front, empathizing and demanding justice for the victims of violence and then the Sudu Nelum Movement, which reached out to the grassroots about the ethnic conflict and the need for meaningful devolution. Likewise in 2015, his authorship of the four mechanisms for transitional justice- the Office for Missing Persons (OMP), the Office of Reparations, the Truth and Justice Commission and the mechanism for accountability.  Only the first two have been set up but Mangala did not lose his searing sense of priority with respect to the other two as well.  He spoke out, freely and candidly about the violations of human rights and democratic freedoms and when he retired from parliamentary politics, he devoted himself to spreading the message of rights and freedom, toleration and diversity to all. Right through to the end of his life, he believed in a Sri Lanka which was a functioning democracy based on the principle of Unity in Diversity.

As the Minister of Posts and Telecommunication, Foreign Affairs and Finance, respectively, he left behind a legacy, which no other politician can claim to have.  As a politician he came to espouse and to defend liberal democracy, in word and deed in a way in which no other politician has.  As a human being he was mischievous, generous and committed in every sense of the phrase to the joi d’vivre of life and living.

As my friend and as the friend of CPA, I am indebted in having known him and will always remember him in the words of Bernard Shaw, saying:

 

You see things and you say “Why?” But I dream things that never were; and I say “Why not?”

 

Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu

Executive Director

 

This statement can be downloaded by clicking here 

 

Is the Cure Worse than the Disease? Reflections on COVID Governance in Sri Lanka

13th August, 2021 – Is the Cure Worse than the Disease? Reflections on Pandemic Governance in Sri Lanka is the result of an initiative of Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA). The ‘Socio-Economic Index In the Face of COVID-19’, an island wide opinion poll conducted from February-March 2021 by SI, aimed to capture the experiences and perceptions of Sri Lankans through the first and second waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings derived from this survey compelled a more in-depth consideration of many of the themes therein, leading to the idea of a research volume germinating in the minds of the project team.        

Stemming from this context, this volume examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political, economic, and social life of Sri Lankan society, and its’ transformative effect on the political culture of the country: How have the strategies and policies adopted by the government to fight the pandemic impacted society? More particularly, how have such strategies and policies impacted on delivering governance, health, and education fairly across all communities? Chapters of the volume are a quest for answers to these questions focusing on different sectors of society, their experience of the pandemic, and the implications of such experience on their future trajectory.

Individual chapters and contributions can be downloaded by clicking on the links below.
To download the complete book in English, click here.
To download the complete book in Sinhala, click here.
To download the complete book in Tamil, click here.

Cover Photo by Nazly Ahmed

Contents | පටුන | உள்ளடக்கம்

List of Contributors | දායක වූ ලේඛකයන් | பங்குபற்றாளர்கள்

Foreword | පෙරවදන | அணிந்துரை

by Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttuආචාර්ය පාක්‍යසෝති සරවනමුත්තු | கலாநிதி பாக்கியசோதி சரவணமுத்து

Preface and Acknowledgements | පූර්විකාව සහ ස්තූතිය | முன்னுரையும் நன்றி நவிலலும்

 

Editor’s Introduction (Chapter 1)හැඳින්වීම | அத்தியாயம் 1

Introduction Reflections on COVID governance in Sri Lanka by Pradeep Peiris
ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොවිඩ් ආණ්ඩුකරණය පිළිබඳ ආවර්ජනා ප්‍රදීප් පීරිස්
அறிமுகம்: இலங்கையில் கொவிட் ஆளுகையின் பிரதிபலிப்புகள் பிரதீப் பீரிஸ்

 

Chapter 2 | 2 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 2

Sri Lanka’s accelerated democratic decay amidst a pandemic by Bhavani Fonseka and Kushmila Ranasinghe
වසංගතයක් තුළ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයේ සීඝ්‍ර පරිහානිය භවානි ෆොන්සේකා සහ කුෂ්මිලා රණසිංහ
பெருந்தொற்றுக்கு மத்தியில் இலங்கையில் துரிதமாக்கப்பட்ட சனநாயகச் சிதைவு பவானி பொன்சேகா மற்றும் குஷ்மிலா ரணசிங்க

 

Chapter 3 | 3 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 3

Healing the population by constructing subjects: Pandemic governmentality of Sri Lanka by Pradeep Peiris
යටත්වැසියන් නිර්මාණය කිරීමෙන් ජනගහණය සුව කිරීම: ලංකාවේ වසංගත ආණ්ඩුකරණ මාදිලිය ප්‍රදීප් පීරිස්
கீழ்ப்படிவுள்ள பிரசைகளைக் கட்டியெழுப்புவதனூடாக மக்களை மாற்றுதல்: இலங்கையில் பெருந்தொற்று ஆளுகை பிரதீப் பீரிஸ்

 

Chapter  4 | 4 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 4

Lives or livelihoods?The erosion of welfare in Sri Lanka’s COVID-19 response by
Nipunika O. Lecamwasam
ජීවිතද ජීවනෝපායන්ද? ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොවිඩ්-19 ප්‍රතිචාරය තුළ සුබසාධනයේ පරිහානිය නිපුනිකා ඕ. ලේකම්වසම්
வாழ்வா அல்லது வாழ்வாதாரமா? இலங்கையின் கொவிட்-19 பதில் நடவடிக்கையில் தேய்ந்து போகும் சேமநலன் நிபுணிகா ஓ. லேக்கம்வசம்

 

Chapter 5 | 5 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 5

Ethno-centric pandemic governance: The Muslim community in Sri Lanka’s COVID response by
Sakina Moinudeen
වර්ගවාදී වසංගත ආණ්ඩුකරණය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොවිඩ් ප්‍රතිචාරය තුළ මුස්ලිම් ප්‍රජාව සකිනා මොයිනුඩීන්
இனத்துவ-மையவாத பெருந்தொற்று ஆளுகை: இலங்கையின் கொவிட் பதில் நடவடிக்கைகளில் முஸ்லிம் சமூகம் சகினா மொய்னுதீன்

 

Chapter 6 | 6 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 6

Not-so-free education: State-citizen relations in Sri Lanka’s educational policy response to the pandemic by Hasini Lecamwasam
නිදහස්-නොවන-අධ්‍යාපනය: වසංගත සන්දර්භයෙහි ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිපත්තිය තුළ රාජ්‍ය-පුරවැසි සම්බන්ධතා හසිනි ලේකම්වසම්
இலவசமில்லாத கல்வி: பெருந்தொற்றுக் காலத்தில் இலங்கையின் கல்விசார் கொள்கைப் பதில் நடவடிக்கையில் அரசு-பிரசை உறவுகள் ஹசினி லேக்கம்வசம்

 

Chapter 7 | 7 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 7 

Out of the frying pan into the fire: Life of migrant garment workers in the COVID-19 response by
Kaushini Dammalage
කබලෙන් ලිපට වැටීම: කොවිඩ්-19 ප්‍රතිචාරය තුළ සංක්‍රමණික ඇඟළුම් කම්හල් සේවකයින්ගේ ජීවිතය කෞෂිණී දම්මලගේ
எண்ணெய்ச் சட்டியிலிருந்து நெருப்புக்குள்: கொவிட் பதில் நடவடிக்கைகளும் உள்நாட்டுக்குள் குடிபெயர்ந்த ஆடைத் தொழிற்சாலைத் தொழிலாளர்களும் கௌஷினி தம்மாலகே

 

Chapter 8  | 8 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 8

Contacts during difficult times: A study on the function of social networks in accessing state services during the COVID-19 pandemic by Shashik Silva
දුෂ්කර සමයක සමාජ සම්බන්ධතා: කොවිඩ්-19 වසංගත තත්වය තුළ රාජ්‍ය සේවා ලබාගැනීමේදී සමාජ සම්බන්ධතා ජාල වල භූමිකාව පිළිබඳ අධ්‍යයනයක්
ශෂික් සිල්වා
கடினமான காலங்களில் தொடர்புகள்: கொவிட்-19 பெருந்தொற்றுக் காலத்தில் அரசசேவைகளைப் பெற்றுக்கொள்வதில் சமூக வலையமைப்புகளின் செயற்பாடு பற்றிய ஒரு ஆய்வு ஷஷிக் சில்வா

 

 

Annexure 1 | ඇමුණුම 1 | பின்னிணைப்பு 1

THE ‘SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDEX IN THE FACE OF COVID-19’ SURVEY: AN OVERVIEW‘
කොවිඩ්-19 හමුවේ සමාජ-ආර්ථික දර්ශකය’ පිළිබඳ සමීක්ෂණය: දළ විශ්ලේෂණ
கொவிட்-19 காலத்தில் சமூக-பொருளாதாரக் குறிகாட்டி பற்றிய கணிப்பீடு: ஒரு கண்ணோட்டம்

 

Annexure 2 | ඇමුණුම 2 | பின்னிணைப்பு 2

RESEARCH INSTRUMENT SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDEX IN THE FACE OF COVID-19
පර්යේෂණ මෙවලම කොවිඩ් 19 හමුවේ සමාජ – ආර්ථීක දර්ශකය
வினாக்கொத்து – கொவிட்-19 காலத்தில் சமூக-பொருளாதாரக் குறிகாட்டி

 

Annexure 3 | ඇමුණුම 3 | பின்னிணைப்பு 3

RESULTS
ප්‍රතිඵල
முடிவுகள்

Centre for Policy Alternatives Files Petition in the Supreme Court (SC SD 28/2021) against proposed Finance Bill

On the 26th July 2021, The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed a Petition in the Supreme Court (SC SD 28/2021) challenging the proposed Finance Bill, which was placed on the order paper of Parliament on the 20th of July 2021. The Bill seeks to provide an amnesty from tax, penalty or interest, or from any investigation or prosecution, to anyone who has not disclosed any taxable supply, income or asset which was required to be disclosed by law, provided that they invest an equivalent amount in the manner specified in the Bill.

CPA’s position is that several clauses in the Bill are inconsistent with the Constitution, including several entrench provisions, and thus cannot be passed into law except if approved by the people at a referendum in addition to a two-thirds vote of the whole number of the Members of Parliament in favour as required by Article 83(a) of the Constitution. 

CPA challenged clauses 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 of the Bill on the basis that they are inconsistent with Articles 12(1), 4(d), 14(1)(g) read with Article 3 of the Constitution, as inter alia they legitimize fraud and are discriminatory towards those who have already disclosed and paid their taxes in accordance with the law. CPA also challenged clauses 10, 11 and 17 on similar grounds. CPA further challenged clause 7 of the Bill, which guarantees secrecy regarding the identity of such declarants, which is in violation of Articles 12(1), 14A, 4(d) read with Article 3 of the Constitution. 

CPA notes with concern that if passed, the Bill will result in impunity to those involved in corruption and fraud on the State and the populace as a whole. Further, the lack of transparency is inconsistent with the principles of good governance, especially in an era where the Right to Information has been expressly recognized by the Constitution and guaranteed to the people.  

Civil Society statement calling on an end to impunity on child labour, trafficking, and sexual exploitation

23rd July, 2020, On 2021.07.03 Friday, Ms. Jude Kumar Ishalini of Diyagama, Hatton—an underaged girl employed as a domestic aide at the residence of former Minister and present Member of Parliament Mr. Rishad Bathiudeen was admitted to the Colombo National Hospital with burn injuries. She succumbed to her injuries on the 15th while receiving treatment in Ward 73 of the Intensive Care Unit 2.

Thereafter, according to her Case No. B/52944/2/21, the Colombo Additional Magistrate Rajindra Suriya visited the Colombo National Hospital to view the body of the deceased girl and ordered a post-mortem. It has been reported in the media that she has been sexually abused for a long time.

Ishalini was born in Diyagama, Hatton on December 11, 2004. She was only 15 years and 11 months when she arrived as a domestic aide at the residence of Member of Parliament Mr. Rishad Bathiudeen. At the time of her death, Ishalini was only 16 years and 08 months of age. During her employment, she was only permitted to communicate with her family a few times over the phone but was denied visits to her family. She died without seeing her family members for nearly a year.

Education is compulsory for every child in Sri Lanka until the age of 16. There are officers attached to each Divisional Secretariats such as child probation officer, child protection officer and women development officer etc. and their work is to ensure that the children get educated and do not drop out from schools before 16. These officers are mandated to work within the community to protect children like Ishalini and help them with their education. If there are dropouts, they must work with the families and community to ensure that they go back to school. Hence, this case also sheds light on another dark side of the systemic failure of protecting and promoting child rights in this country. It is not new that up-country children are being used as forced labour in this country for decades. Rarely this cruelty has been brought to light. Further, women’s groups have observed an increasing trend of not only underaged girls being sold as domestic labour but also being sexually abused and treated inhumanly during this pandemic.

According to the Employment of Women, Young Persons, And Children Act (No. 47 of 1956) of Sri Lanka, children aged between 16 – 18 can be employed for a common good. But before so employing children between the age of 16 -18, the Labour Commissioner should be informed of the reason. Further, the law says that no one can employ a child in such a manner as to prevent the child from attending school.

Therefore, Ishalini’s employment as a domestic aide is improper as her education had been disrupted.  Furthermore, the post-mortem report states that the victim has been sexually abused for some time. In terms of the Penal Code sexual exploitation is an offence and sexual harassment at the workplace is a punishable crime too.

This incident is linked with various grave offences such as employing an underage girl child, being forced to discontinue education and sexual exploitation. Hence extensive and impartial investigations should be carried out in connection with the death and other related rights violations and perpetrators brought to book.  Fair trial and justice to Ishalini, hopefully, will put an end to the abuses and exploitations of many Ishalinies.

Presently, the Corona pandemic situation has caused various economic hardships to people including loss of livelihoods to many. As a result, there is visible and phenomenal increase in domestic violence, sexual abuse and more generally violence against women and children. In the Batticaloa district alone in the last six months, 14 child sexual abuse cases and 63 violence against children have been recorded.

In July, to date, media has reported a total of 05 cases of violence against children, including the instant case of Ishalini. They are:

  1. The horrific crime of online trafficking of a 15-year-old girl.
  2. A 16-year-old girl employed as a domestic aide at the residence of a representative of the legislative body succumbing to burn injuries.
  3. Two sisters aged 12 and 14 were sexually abused by their father aged 36.
  4. A 13-year-old girl child from Nawalapitiya was sexually abused by her father and many others since she was 07 years of age.
  5. In Gampaha a monk (head of a Buddhist temple) and 4 men have been arrested for sexually abusing a 13-year-old girl.

These are the reported cases and possibly a tip of an iceberg of an endemic that is overshadowed by Covid -19 in this country.  The Child Protection Authority and the structure of the Women and Children’s Welfare Police Division must work impartially and fearlessly to ensure justice in terms of complaints received about child abuse and exploitation. This must be stressed as none of the above structures was able to carry out their duties in an effective and efficient manner, despite the escalating violence against children during the period when travel restrictions are in force.

As women’s rights activists, we made several attempts, but the said structures failed to respond effectively. Therefore, it is apparent that the ineffectiveness of these structures has also contributed significantly to the continuation of grave violence against children. We hope, at least after the publicity Ishalini’s tragic death has garnered, these structures would wake up and discharge their duties effectively to ensure justice for the victims. In addition, the relevant Minister G.L. Peiris and the Minister of Justice Ali Sabry who is continuously discussing reforms to the legal system should consider introducing changes to the laws concerning child rights to be more effective.

An effective mechanism should be developed within the legal framework to inquire about cases involving children and to establish procedures to ensure the sentencing of offenders expeditiously. Officers who neglect their duties must also be brought to book. A strong victim and witness protection mechanism should be installed in every district. But most importantly implementation of an expedited process must ensure justice without delay whilst guarding the dignity of the victim throughout. This would be the only way forward to guarantee a reduction in incidents of child abuse and violence against children in Sri Lanka.

Endorsed by: 

  1. Women’s Action Network
  2. Suriya Women’s Development Center – Batticaloa,
  3. Mannar Women’s Development Federation,
  4. Center for Human Rights and Development,
  5. Affected Women’s Forum – Ampara,
  6. Muslim Women Development Trust – Puttalam,
  7. Rainbow Pillars for Creativity,
  8. Women Aid Network- East,
  9. Eastern Social Development Foundation,
  10. Institute of Social Development -Kandy
  11. Rural Development Foundation,
  12. Law and Human Right Center – Jaffna,
  13. Women Development Innovators,
  14. Third Eye Local Knowledge and Activists group,
  15. Alliance for Minorities,
  16. Human Elevation Organization- Ampara,
  17. Viluthu Center for Human Resource Development,
  18. National Christian Evangelical Alliance Sri Lanka,
  19. District Federation of Women Rural Development Societies (Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Mannar, Puttalam, Batticaloa & Trincomalee)
  20. Amara District Forums Female Heads of Households (Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Mannar, Puttalam, Batticaloa & Trincomalee)
  21. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
  22. National Peace Council
  23. Association of War Affected Women
  24. Sisters at Law
  25. Stop Child Cruelty Trust (as organization)
  26. Sisterhood Initiative
  27. National Fisheries Solidarity Movement
  28. Hashtag Generation
  29. People’s Alliance for Right to Land
  30. Law and Society Trust
  31. Centre for Policy Alternatives

 

To download the statement, click here.

A brief guide to the 20th Amendment to the Constitution

19th July, 2021, The Sri Lankan government enacted a Constitutional Amendment within the first two months of its coming into power in August, 2020. The 20th Amendment to the Constitution, so enacted, bears as its central feature the concentration of powers in the Executive President, and thereby erodes several of the democratic reforms introduced by the 19th Amendment. The proposed amendment witnessed opposition from a range of parties including constituent members of the government and several challenges in the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka. This opposition resulted in several amendments proposed to the original Bill and the 20th Amendment to the Constitution was enacted in October 2020.

CPA released an initial analysis of the changes proposed by the 20th Amendment, shortly after the release of the Bill, observing that the Bill “rolls back democratic reforms introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment in 2015 and are a return to unfettered executive power institutionalised by the Eighteenth Amendment introduced in 2010”.

A brief guide to the 20th Amendment to the Constitution is available for reading in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Sri Lanka’s Vistas of Prosperity and Splendour: A Critique of Promises Made and Present Trends

July 13 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Sri Lanka is at present confronted with unprecedented challenges. The COVID-19 crisis in Sri Lanka has been characterized not only by the immediate public health and economic challenges which have been pervasive across the world. It has also brought to the fore a number of underlying issues that have been made explicit in the context of the pandemic. Weaknesses in governance, processes which threaten to undermine constitutional democracy in Sri Lanka and structural inequalities within society have each been amplified during this period.

The present Government enjoyed overwhelming support from voters promising a move towards a more ‘disciplined’ no-nonsense approach to governance, paving the way to increases in the efficiency of administration and the acceleration of economic development. Promises of such nature have been tied up with the increased authoritarianism we have seen since President Gotabaya Rajapaksa took office. The constitutional project of the new Government, it was argued, would result in governance that was free from the constraints of checks and balances on executive power. These checks and balances it was argued, created indecisiveness and inefficiency within government. The pandemic represented a perfect opportunity to demonstrate this in practice. However, the multiple setbacks in the handling of the COVID-19 response have called into question this narrative of efficiency and exposed the limitations of the proposed technocratic and militarized governance model.

This study by the Centre for Policy Alternatives examines the varied challenges faced by Sri Lanka through the lens of governance,  militarization, reconciliation and development. It will provide a critique of Government policy,  exploring how a lack of coherent and considered policy making, the adoption of ethno majoritarian political ideology and the implementation of militarized governance has resulted in adverse outcomes.

This report is available for reading in English, Sinhala, and Tamil.

 

 

 

CPA statement on the Constitutionality of the SLPP National List Appointment

7th July 2021, The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is concerned by several media reports that the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) has appointed Mr. Basil Rajapaksa to fill the National List seat which fell vacant by the resignation of Mr. Jayantha Ketagoda. CPA notes that Mr. Basil Rajapaksa’s name was not included in the list of persons qualified to be elected as Members of Parliament, in terms of Article 99A of the Constitution (the “National List”) or any of the district lists submitted by the SLPP for the Parliamentary Election held in August 2020.

Mr. Basil Rajapaksa’s appointment, is especially egregious because at the time of the last Parliamentary election, Mr. Basil Rajapaksa was disqualified from being elected as a Member of Parliament by virtue of his dual citizenship (Mr. Basil Rajapaksa is a citizen of the United States of America and also of Sri Lanka). As such the appointment of Mr. Basil Rajapaksa to fill this vacancy undermines the sovereignty of the people and violates the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

CPA’s position is that in terms of the Constitution only a person whose name was included in one of the district nomination papers or national list submitted by the relevant political party, is entitled to be nominated to fill such a vacancy. CPA has maintained this position consistently and has raised concern when such appointments were made previously, including by challenging several such appointments in Court. More recently CPA filed a case challenging the National List appointment of Mr. Sarath Fonseka by the United National Party (UNP) in 2016. In that case the Supreme Court refused to grant leave to proceed, but no substantive order was issued. In January 2020, CPA criticised the appointment of Mr. Saman Rathnapriya in a similar manner.

CPA notes that the UNP, United People’s Freedom Alliance / People’s Alliance have on previous occasions made similar appointments to Parliament. These political parties hide behind Section 64 (5) of the Parliament Elections Act No 1 of 1981, which authorizes them to appoint “any member” of the political party to fill such a vacancy. CPA states that the said provision of the Parliament Elections Act violates the clear and unambiguous provisions of the Constitution, particularly Article 99A and Article 101(H). Section 64 (5), although clearly unconstitutional, remains valid only because the Sri Lankan Constitution does not allow the Supreme Court to review the constitutionality of legislation once it is passed by Parliament.

Section 64 (5), was enacted in 1988 as part of an urgent Bill. The Supreme Court heard the case on the 18th April 1988 and by the 21st April 1988, the determination of the Supreme Court had been read out in Parliament. This constitutionally mandated limited time frame is grossly insufficient to consider the future implications of such an important Bill. It has to be remembered that the 20th amendment to the Constitution reintroduced this urgent bill provision (with some minor changes) which had been abolished by the 19th amendment. 

The practice of appointing “any member” of a political party, who was not nominated at the relevant election, violates the franchise of the people which is part of the sovereignty of the people (Article 3 of the Constitution). If as the Constitution suggests the people are indeed the sovereign of the Republic, then the people should know before an election who the political party intends to appoint to Parliament.

Allowing political parties to appoint whomever they wish to fill vacancies which are engineered for that purpose, undermines the value of the franchise of the people and unnecessarily and arbitrarily inflates the power of the leadership of political parties. CPA thus calls on the SLPP and all other political parties to respect the provisions of the Constitution and the franchise of the people. CPA also calls upon all political parties representing Parliament to take steps to amend Section 64 (5) of the Parliament Elections Act, in order to bring it in line with Article 99A and Article 101(H) of the Constitution.

Download the full statement here. A statement in Sinhala and Tamil will be released in due course.

Socio-Economic Index in the face of COVID-19

Given the current challenges faced by Sri Lankans as a result of the pandemic, it is important to understand views of the public and assess the extent to which it has affected livelihoods, social relations, access to healthcare and education.

Social Indicator, the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives conducted an islandwide opinion poll between the 27th of February – 24th of March 2021 in order to assess the socioeconomic impact of COIVD-19. The topline report provides an overview on levels of satisfaction towards various institutions involved in mitigating the COVID-19 crisis, fair treatment of persons and intercommunity relations, levels of awareness and sources of information about the COVID-19 pandemic, coping strategies used due to financial constraints, access to and satisfaction towards education and healthcare.

Social Indicator’s Socio-Economic Index in the face of COVID-19 is available for download in English, සිංහල and தமிழ்.


 

 

An Update on the Legal Framework to Address the COVID-19 Pandemic in Sri Lanka

12 May 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Since late April 2021, the number of COVID-19 cases in Sri Lanka has increased exponentially. The average number of new infections reported each day has reached a new high, now reporting more than 2,000 patients daily. The number of COVID-19 related deaths has  also been rising, mainly due to the heightened pressure on already overwhelmed health infrastructure  and medical staff. A collective of medical professionals including the Sri Lanka Medical Association, the  Government Medical Officers Association, the Association of Medical Specialists, and the SLMA  Intercollegiate Committee, have pointed out in a letter to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa that the  national healthcare system has reached a breaking point. The identification of several new varieties of the COVID-19 virus has caused further concern among medical professionals as well as the general public. Sri Lanka is in an unprecedented health crisis with the likelihood of further deaths, economic hardship and much more if immediate measures are not taken to effectively respond to the pandemic.

It has been proved from experience in other countries battling the rapid spread of the virus that the adoption of stringent travel restrictions, ramping up the testing process, strengthening healthcare facilities and accelerating the vaccination process are the best steps to be taken in such a situation. However, the lack of proper information available to the general public and the resulting atmosphere of fear and misinformation has weakened the COVID-19 response of Sri Lanka. Additionally, increasing arbitrary action, especially with regard to the vaccination process, and isolation and quarantine procedures could potentially put the health and lives of citizens at risk.

Against this dire backdrop, it is critical to ensure laws and policies are in adherence to the constitutional and legal framework and not arbitrary and ad-hoc. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has consistently reiterated the need to adhere to the principles of democratic governance and the rule of law in Sri Lanka’s efforts to address the COVID-19 pandemic and this remains the case at present.

Several guides and policy briefs were issued previously by CPA on a range of legal and policy issues linked to COVID-19, including a Q and A on the Regulations issued under the Quarantine and Prevention of Diseases Ordinance. The present document reassesses and re-examines recent developments in this regard, in light of the regulations issued under the Quarantine and Prevention of Diseases Ordinance as well as other relevant legal and regulatory frameworks.

Download the full document here.

CPA Commentary on the Port City Bill

May 3rd 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Sri Lanka is presently debating the legal framework for the Colombo Port City Special Economic Zone (hereinafter sometimes the Colombo Port City). At the outset it must be noted that the Colombo Port City has the potential for the promotion and advancement of the Sri Lankan economy. However, the process of enacting laws and their substantive contents must be closely scrutinized and debated.

In this brief commentary CPA raises the potential implications of the CPCEC Bill, and highlights some key concerns relating to the Bill, as was Gazetted on the 24th of March 2021.

The areas of concern flagged by CPA include the powers and composition of the Colombo Port City Economic Commission, the Commission’s compliance with existing regulatory authorities, the powers of the President under the Bill, accountability and transparency, the undermining of Parliamentary powers including law making and control over finance, as well as its impact on the judicial proceedings.

Read the full commentary in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

See more on the petition filed by CPA.

 

Images capturing key points (based on the Bill Gazetted on 24th March 2021):

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A Commentary on the PCoI and the Special PCoI on Political Victimization

April 21 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: This commentary by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) provides a brief analysis of the Commission of Inquiry (CoI) on political victimization and the subsequent establishment of the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry (SPCoI).

CPA notes with concern that the concluded proceedings of the CoI and the on-going proceedings of the SPCoI are both politicized and problematic, and may have grave implications on the rights of citizens as well as the independence of the judiciary, rule of law and democracy in Sri Lanka.

The commentary consists of two sections. The first section of the commentary provides an overview of the background and the legal framework of the CoI on political victimization, followed by a timeline flagging key dates and developments of its proceedings, and a table listing key recommendations and their implications. The second section of the commentary examines the SPCoI to implement the recommendations of the CoI, with an outline of its legal framework with reference to several past SPCoI initiatives, and the mandate of the on-going SPCoI proceedings.

CPA hopes that the commentary may facilitate critical engagement with the proceedings and outcomes of the CoI and the SPCoI.

Download the full report in English, Sinhala or Tamil.

Also read CPA’s:

Short Note on the Resolution Seeking Parliamentary Approval to Implement the Recommendations of the CoI on Political Victimization here.

Initial Concerns with the Report of the Commission of Inquiry to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimization and Subsequent Action here.

Short Note on the Resolution Seeking Parliamentary Approval to Implement the Recommendations of the CoI on Political Victimization

19 April 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: On 9th April 2021, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa tabled a Resolution in Parliament seeking approval to implement the recommendations of the ‘Commission of Inquiry to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimization During the Period Commencing 08th January 2015 and Ending 16th November 2019’ (The CoI). The motion is listed to be debated in Parliament this week.

The CoI was established on 9th January 2020 and its final report was handed over to the President on 8th December 2020. Approval of the Cabinet of Ministers was granted to submit the report of the CoI to the Parliament and implement the recommendations of the CoI on 18th January 2021. Accordingly, on 29th January 2021, a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry (SPCoI) was appointed to implement the recommendations of the CoI.

The SPCoI is mandated to investigate the respondents mentioned in item No. 08 of the CoI report (relating to the Anti-Corruption Committee) and recommend whether they should be subjected to civic disability. The Resolution tabled on 9th April seeks to obtain parliamentary approval to implement the decisions and recommendations mentioned in Item No. 09 and 10, omitting Item No. 08, in the Final Report of the CoI.

This would include referring decisions and recommendations made by the CoI on the complaints in Item No. 09 to the relevant authorities, including the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Public Service Commission, the Inspector General of Police, the Minister in-charge of the relevant Ministries and the Secretaries to the Ministries, for implementation.

The resolution seeks the approval of Parliament to initiate criminal prosecution of police officers, lawyers, officers of the Attorney General’s Department, witnesses and others involved in the cases. It also seeks approval for the dismissal of several cases currently pending in court, undermining the independence of the Judiciary and the rule of law.

If the Resolution were to be passed in Parliament and subsequent action is taken, this would have both legal and political ramifications. In this short note, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) makes brief observations on the impact of such a Resolution and subsequent action. CPA will also be releasing a report commenting on the CoI, SPCoI and broader implications shortly.

Independence of the Judiciary

At the core of the CoI, SPCoI, and the Resolution lies the faulty suggestion that the Judiciary did not arrive at its findings during the time period under purview in an independent and impartial manner. This is inimical to both the independent functioning of the Courts and tribunals, as well as the public trust placed in the legal system. If the findings of the CoI were to be given effect to, the decisions of the Judiciary would be reassessed in a process external to the established Court system. This is an unprecedented step and would violate the sovereignty of the People, whose judicial power shall be exercised through Courts[1], according to the Constitution. CPA also notes that this is the latest attempt by the Executive to undermine the work of the Judiciary and this must be robustly countered to ensure each arm of government is able to work independently.

Moreover, this would have larger ramifications on the law enforcement and justice sector in general and further politicize entities required to work independently. This action would open the door to politically motivated action against investigators and prosecutors for carrying out their duties. This would result in a climate of fear and paralysis among investigators and prosecutors, stifling all current and future investigations involving persons of political influence. This would have an adverse impact on victims and witnesses, who may be deterred from coming forward due to fear of reprisal.

Furthermore, the impugning of the findings of a competent Court would also be in derogation of fair trial and due process rights which are safeguarded in the Constitution and upheld by the Courts.

Politicization of the Process

Despite seeking to alleviate incidents of political victimization, CPA notes that the CoI itself has become subject to criticisms of politicization. The procedure adopted in arriving at findings of political victimization, its mandate, and findings have been criticized and challenged by several Parliamentarians and others. CPA notes several areas that raise serious attention including due process concerns, acting outside its legal mandate, and reversing almost all judicial findings pertaining to political matters. This has led to criticisms relating to the politicization of the CoI.

Separation of Powers

If the Resolution tabled were to be passed, regardless of the legal validity of the resolution, the CoI, SPCoI and Parliament would override the judicial process, in violation of the principles of the Separation of Powers and the Rule of Law in a constitutional democracy. If the Legislature will be able to second-guess and reverse decisions of the Judiciary, this would lead to the undermining of the judiciary as well as the usurpation of the judicial power of the people by the Legislature.

The list below includes the complaints in Item No. 09 for easy reference:

  1. Complaints against criminal investigations into several cases such as the case of alleged abductions involving Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda and others, the assassination of MP Nadaraja Raviraj, the death of Wasim Thajudeen, the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge, the assassination of former MP Joseph Pararajasingam, the Welikada prison massacre, the disappearance of journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda and the abduction of Keith Noayhr.
  2. Complaints against the investigations of alleged financial irregularities and misappropriation of public funds in the Divi Neguma Department, the Tourism Development Authority, Co-operative Establishment (Sathosa), the Sri Lankan Embassy in the United States etc.
  3. Complaint against the investigation of allegations of cheating and misappropriation against MP Udaya Gammanpila.
  4. Complaint against the investigation into alleged misappropriation of public funds by former Minister Rohitha Bogollagama
  5. Complaint against the investigation into misappropriation of public property in launching the Carlton Sports Network (CSN)
  6. Complaint against the investigation into the alleged misappropriation of funds allocated for the Tharunyata Hetak Organisation
  7. Complaint against the imprisonment of Duminda Silva
  8. Complaint against the suspension of DIG of the Northern Province for the charge of aiding the escape the prime suspect in the Vidya murder case
  9. Complaint against the investigation into the Avant Garde controversy
  10. Complaint against the investigation into the Rakna Araksha Lanka company
  11. Complaint against investigation into smuggled gold released to the Navy
  12. Complaint against allegations of misappropriation of public funds in the Litro Gas case
  13. Complaint against the investigation regarding the MiG aircraft deal with Ukraine
  14. Complaints against disciplinary action and inquiries against several public officers including chairman of the National Lottery Board, employees of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC)/ Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC), Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, former School Principal Upali Gunasekara
  15. Complaint against accusation of fraudulent transfer of funds related to the Hyatt Regency case

The complaints in Item No. 10 include

  1. Complaint against the investigation into the purchase of a land by the D.A. Rajapaksa Foundation
  2. Complaint against the investigation into the 16 acre land in Malwana alleged to have been bought by the former Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa using public funds
  3. Complaint against allegations of misuse of public funds against Commissioner of the Colombo Municipal Council
  4. Complaints against removals of several public officers due to various allegations

[1] Article 4 (c) “the judicial power of the People shall be exercised by Parliament through Courts, tribunals and institutions created and established, or recognized, by the Constitution or created and established by law, except in regard to matters relating to the privileges, immunities and powers of Parliament and of its Members wherein the judicial power of the People may be exercised directly by Parliament according to law”

Download the full PDF in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

[Also read CPA’s: Initial Concerns with the Report of the Commission of Inquiry to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimization and Subsequent Action here.]

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (Guarantee) Limited and Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu vs. The Attorney General [SC SD 4/ 2021] [in re the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill]

15th April 2021, The Centre for Policy Alternatives and its Executive director (the Petitioners) challenged the constitutionality of the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill (the Bill). The matter is listed to be taken up before five judges of the Supreme Court on 19th of April 2021.

CPA notes several concerns in this brief comment, some pertaining to provisions in the Bill, others on process and broader implications. The Petitioners argued that the Bill violates Articles 3, 4, 12 and 14 of the Sri Lankan constitution and thus requires to be passed by the people at a referendum in addition to being passed by two thirds majority of Parliament. The Bill establishes a parallel administration known as the Colombo Port City Economic Commission (CPCEC) which will inter alia exercise sweeping executive power, control over public finance and to an extent some law / rule making power within the Port City area. The CPCEC has the ability to give entities access to sweeping tax concessions and other benefits with little or no objective criteria. Whilst it exercises these broad powers, the CPCEC is not accountable to Parliament and is appointed at the sole discretion of the President (or if it is assigned to a Minister, by the said Minister).

The Petitioners argue that among other things the sweeping tax concessions granted by the Bill are arbitrary and discriminatory and will have a detrimental effect on the national economy. The Bill directly excludes the operation of a swath of legislation enacted by Parliament including tax legislation, it could also indirectly exclude the operation of the provisions of the Companies Act and the Banking Act in relation to companies’ operating within the Port City area. Thus, the Bill attempts to put in place a framework to create a business environment where a few well-connected entities will be able to obtain substantial benefits and an unfair competitive advantage to the detriment of citizens of Sri Lanka.

Further, CPA is concerned with the speed with which the government is proceeding with a Bill that has such serious implications. To date there has been little to no public consultation on the contents of the Bill and its implications. CPA notes that over a period of several years, including during the previous government’s tenure, media reports informed of the drafting of this Bill. However, no specific information was provided to the public on this. This raises a serious question as to which stakeholders, if any, were in fact consulted during this long-drawn-out drafting process. Moreover, the government is also attempting to rush through the Bill by placing it on the order paper of Parliament just prior to the Sinhala and Tamil New year celebrations and amidst a slew of public holidays. Such behaviour is a clear attempt by the government to prevent citizens from scrutinizing and challenging the Bill, raising concerns as to the intentions of the government.

Amidst these concerns, CPA also notes that the Bill raises other fundamental concerns. This government has been vigorous in its opposition to any international involvement in the protection of human rights in Sri Lanka, terming such interventions “foreign interference with Sri Lanka’s sovereignty”. Despite such claims, this Bill in its present form represents the most far-reaching involvement of non-citizens in Sri Lanka’s economy and would result in far more invasive foreign involvement than was envisaged in relation to any proposed human rights mechanism. For example, it would be possible for all members of the CPCEC to be foreign nationals, an entity that is provided significant powers as per the Bill. Further, the proposed International Commercial Dispute Resolution Centre would also see the participation of international arbitrators and lawyers in the compulsory arbitration proceedings in relation to disputes that arise in the Port City area. It is also hypocrisy of the highest order to accept international participation in entities provided in the Bill and decry it in relation to proposed human rights mechanisms. CPA has previously commented on the participation of foreign individuals in proposed mechanisms in Sri Lanka and notes that the present proposals with much wider implications will require much more careful study and debate.

CPA Statement on the Arrest of the Mayor of Jaffna

9th April 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) condemns the arrest of Mr. Viswalingam Manivannan, the Mayor of Jaffna, under the Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act, No. 48 of 1979 [PTA Act] and calls for his immediate release.

Details surrounding the arrest are limited but based on the statement issued by the Police spokesperson and statements made in Parliament today (9th April) the arrest is based on a uniform worn by several individuals recruited to the Jaffna Municipal Council. The Police spokesperson’s statement alleges that this uniform was “similar to the uniforms worn by the de facto LTTE police during the war” but provides little details on what the similarities are. The spokesperson also states that the arrests were carried out on the instructions of the Minister of Public Security.

Whilst details remain unclear, on the face of it, this seems to be a dispute about the functions of a unit set up by the Jaffna Municipal Council. The Constitution and other laws provide for mechanisms to resolve such issues. It is deeply troubling that the government is resorting to the criminal legislation such as the PTA in order to stamp its authority over decentralized government entities and to detain an elected official on such tenuous grounds. CPA has over the decades noted the deeply problematic use of PTA to detain individual for prolonged periods of time without charge and with limited due process safeguards. It is a draconian law which should have no place within a democracy. Further, CPA calls on the government to respect the democratic process and to desist from using criminal law to resolve any disputes that might occur with decentralized government entities. Such highhanded actions are unwarranted and, as seen in the past, will be counterproductive to the long term peace and security of the Sri Lankan state.

Download the full statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

UPDATE/ 10th April 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Despite initial media reports that the Mayor of Jaffna was arrested under the PTA, information from court proceedings indicate that provisions in the Penal Code were used. CPA also notes that the Mayor was subsequently released on Bail on Friday night. Nevertheless, concerns raised by CPA in its statement issued prior to these developments still remain valid.

Centre for Policy Alternatives v Attorney General (SC (FRA) 91/2021)

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers challenging the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalization from holding violent extremist religious ideology) Regulations No. 01 of 2021, published Extraordinary Gazette No. 2218/68 dated Friday, March 12, 2021. While the Petitioners maintain the need to integrate a process of rehabilitation into the criminal justice system, they note that the impugned regulations violate several of the Constitutionally guaranteed Fundamental Rights, of the Petitioners as well as of the general public.

The Petitioners argue that the impugned regulations serve to enable the denial of due process, due judicial protection and a fair trial, and result in an arbitrary deprivation of liberty, entailing infringement and/or imminent infringement of the Fundamental Rights guaranteed under Articles 12(1), 13(2), 13(3), 13(4) and 13(5) of the Constitution. They also argue that the impugned regulations, and the broad language contained therein, entail provisions that may result in degrading treatment of persons and deny persons the safeguards provided by law in cases of detention and imprisonment and thus and otherwise entail infringement and/or imminent infringement of Articles 10, 11, 14(1)(a), 14(1)(c), 14(1)(e) and 14(1)(f) of the Constitution.

The Petitioners also maintain that the impugned regulations are ultra vires as they have not been promulgated by the proper authority and thus and otherwise entail infringement of Article 12(1) of the Constitution. They further argue that the impugned regulations have the effect of conferring and/or transferring discretion required to be exercised (as may be duly conferred upon it by law) by the judicial arm of government, to the executive arm of government in a manner inconsistent with Articles 3 and 4 of the Constitution and thus and otherwise entail infringement of Article 12(1) of the Constitution.

The Petitioners have prayed for inter alia declarations that the impugned regulations violate the Fundamental Rights guaranteed by the Constitution, and that they are null and void and of no avail in law.

Concerns Relating to the Recent Regulations Issued Under the Prevention of Terrorism Act

March 18, 2021, Colombo Sri Lanka: The Center for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is alarmed by the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalization from holding violent extremist religious ideology) Regulations No. 01 of 2021 (hereinafter the regulations) published on the 12th of March 2021. The regulations are drafted in a manner that can further jeopardise the rights and liberties of persons, especially religious and ethnic minorities, and curtail political dissent with no effective due process guarantees. Additionally, the regulations are a clear violation of the separation of powers, with certain judicial powers being transferred to the executive arm of government. CPA also notes that this is the latest attempt to instrumentalize and entrench the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), a law inconsistent with Sri Lanka’s Constitution. The regulations therefore, will have a chilling impact on civil liberties and the rule of law in Sri Lanka and must be immediately rescinded.

CPA is particularly concerned with the provision for ‘rehabilitation’ and its impact on due process standards. Whilst the regulations claim to provide for rehabilitation of particular groups, the application of such regulations would result in the deprivation of liberty of individuals for up to two years (an initial order of up to one year which can be extended for up to a year thereafter) without any legal proceedings being conducted before a competent court. Such a provision would in effect deprive individuals of their liberty without any due process guarantees.

Sri Lanka’s past has witnessed the disproportionate use of the PTA to target ethnic and religious minorities and CPA has over the years called for the repeal of the PTA and reiterates this call here. With the removal of judicial oversight and effective due process standards, the regulations will create a situation where even the limited safeguards provided by the PTA are removed, posing an extremely serious risk to fundamental rights recognised by the Sri Lankan Constitution.

Additionally, the vagueness and overbroad nature of these regulations are alarming and can lead to situations of abuse. For example, little to no details are provided as to what constitutes ‘rehabilitation’, or what rehabilitation procedures are to be adopted at the ‘Reintegration Centres’, which are to be set up as per the regulation.  Further, there is a lack of information as to what laws and regulations these centres may be subject to, in terms of the conditions to be maintained and monitoring mechanisms to be in place. Such concerns are amplified in a context of heightened militarized governance and weakening of independent institutions.

Finally, CPA recognises the need to integrate the processes of rehabilitation into the criminal justice system as a whole but this must be done lawfully, with respect for due process standards, and in adherence with constitutionally guaranteed rights and liberties. These are essential against the backdrop of increased arrests and detentions that take place based on charges of alleged statements to incite communal disharmony.

Download the full statement in English and Sinhala and Tamil.

CPA Statement on the Proposed Bans on Burqas and Madrasas

March 18 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is concerned by news reports of public statements made by the Minister for Public Security, Sarath Weerasekera MP, to the effect that the government intends taking measures to ban the wearing of the burqa, and to ban madrasas that do not conform to the national education policy. The Minister has stated that the underlying rationale for this policy is the protection of national security. CPA believes that the Minister’s representation of government policy begs more questions than answers, if policy in relation to both burqas and madrasas is to be made and implemented consistently with democratic values and the express rights guaranteed by the Constitution and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

We recognise that the protection of national security is a key responsibility of the government as well as a legitimate aim for which fundamental rights may be restricted under national and international human rights law. Nevertheless, in terms of our Constitution and our international obligations under the ICCPR, any restriction of fundamental rights in the pursuit of legitimate national security aims must be prescribed by law, and be proportionate when assessed against the harm sought to be averted.

The Minister’s reported remarks do not specify the legal means through which the bans are to be prescribed by law. The Minister signing a draft Cabinet Paper yet to be submitted for Cabinet approval, or the Cabinet approving such a Paper, is not law for the purpose of imposing restrictions on fundamental rights.

The treaty body of the ICCPR, the Human Rights Committee, in two key decisions in 2018 (Yaker v. France and Hebbadj v. France) has determined that general bans on items of Muslim clothing are not consistent with the standard of protection afforded by the ICCPR. The following extract from the summary of these cases by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights explains the relevant issues facing Sri Lanka:

The Committee found that the general criminal ban on the wearing of the niqab in public introduced by the French law disproportionately harmed the petitioners’  right to manifest their religious beliefs, and that France had not adequately explained why it was necessary to prohibit this clothing. In particular, the Committee was not persuaded by France’s claim that a ban on face covering was necessary and proportionate from a security standpoint or for attaining the goal of “living together” in society. The Committee acknowledged that States could require that individuals show their faces in specific circumstances for identification purposes, but considered that a general ban on the niqab was too sweeping for this purpose. The Committee also concluded that the ban, rather than protecting fully veiled women, could have the opposite effect of confining them to their homes, impeding their access to public services and marginalizing them.

From this it would appear that a policy in respect of burqas in terms articulated by the Minister for Public Security would be prima facie in breach of Sri Lanka’s treaty obligations under the ICCPR. National security cannot be adduced as a blanket justification for measures that would, without more precision in the policy, serve to discriminate against a religious community. Moreover, it is not clear how existing official requirements concerning face-coverings as a safety measure against the Covid-19 virus are to be squared against the proposed prohibition of burqas. This would create a manifest legal absurdity, in addition to religious discrimination and the violation of the fundamental right to equality.

Likewise in relation madrasas, CPA recognises the competing considerations involved in permitting religious education to be conducted by madrasas but within a regulatory framework established by the national education policy. However, education policy including in relation to madrasas is more properly addressed by the Ministry of Education rather than ministries and agencies responsible for national security. To the extent there are national security implications, those considerations should be accommodated as special exceptions to the ordinary norms of national education policy, and then only to the extent that is necessary and proportionate to those aims. Any policy that places, or has the potential of placing, national security agencies as the arbiters of education policy would be inconsistent with a democratic society that values its freedom and diversity as much as its security. In particular we stress that decision-makers in the Ministries of Defence or Public Security are not the appropriate authorities to be making judgements about matters that require specialist knowledge such as the interpretation of Islamic texts.

CPA further notes that issues surrounding the prohibition, restriction, or regulation of burqas and madrasas are complex, and the subject of legitimate disagreement in a democratic society. In Sri Lanka, such disagreement and debate exist as much within the Muslim  community as in broader society. As a long-standing democracy, we should be able to navigate such disagreements peacefully and respectfully, through political institutions and civil society, in a manner that safeguards both security and freedom.

A policy that pays appropriate regard to all these competing democratic considerations would be consistent with constitutional rights and international law, and be based on the widest possible consultation of all relevant interests in our plural society. Such a policy would not simplistically prioritise coercive measures enforced through the national security agencies of the state as the first or the only response to this multifaceted challenge.

Download the full statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Initial Concerns with the Report of the Commission of Inquiry to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimization and Subsequent Action

March 12 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply troubled with the report of the ‘Commission of Inquiry to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimization During the Period Commencing 08th January 2015 and Ending 16th November 2019’ (The CoI), which has this week been tabled in Parliament, and the subsequent action taken based on its findings to establish a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry (SPCoI). CPA will shortly issue a commentary raising concerns with the CoI report but as an initial comment, CPA notes that the findings of the CoI report raise grave concerns with implications for the independence of the judiciary, the rule of law and democracy in Sri Lanka.

CPA has previously noted concerns with the appointment of Commissions of Inquiry as a delaying tactic and its ineffectiveness in addressing Sri Lanka’s legacy of past abuses and corruption. The CoI was established on 9th January, 2020 by Gazette (Extraordinary) No. 2157/44 and subsequent broad powers were granted to the CoI through an amendment of its mandate by Gazette (Extraordinary) No. 2159/16 of 22nd January, 2020. CPA and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed a Fundamental Rights Application challenging these additional powers. At the time, CPA was concerned that these broad powers would empower the CoI to interfere with or prejudice on-going investigations and legal proceedings or impede proceedings which could commence during the mandate of the CoI. CPA notes that since its establishment, the CoI on political victimization has attempted to impede on-going investigations and legal proceedings, and the conduct of its inquiries has been critiqued for disregarding principles of natural justice and for exceeding its already broad mandate.

Following the submission of the final report of the CoI on political victimization to the President, a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry to implement recommendations of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into Political Victimization (SPCoI) was established by Gazette (Extraordinary) No. 2212/53 on 29th January, 2021 under the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry Act No. 07 of 1978. The SPCoI is empowered, among other things, to recommend the imposition of civic disability on persons found guilty of political victimization, with the effect of bypassing established judicial institutions and mechanisms in the implementation of recommendations of a CoI.

As an initial comment, CPA notes with grave concern that the implementation of the recommendations of the CoI would potentially undermine the independence of the judiciary, the independence of officers of the Attorney General’s Department and investigators who have investigated and initiated proceedings into matters of human rights abuses and corruption. Such action will have significant impact in the future on cases considered politically sensitive and further entrench the climate of impunity in Sri Lanka.

CPA is aware that abusing the criminal justice system for political ends is a deep-rooted structural problem within Sri Lanka’s legal system. However, politicized process such as this CoI and SPCoI are not the solution, and will only further exacerbate this problem. Robust structures are essential to enable investigations and prosecutions that are independent and impartial coupled with strong ethical standards within these institutions to guarantee equal protection of the law to all citizens. In this regard, CPA underscores the need for structural reforms and for any individual who claims to be subject to political victimization to have recourse to safeguards of the law within the existing judicial system.

Further, CPA is concerned that the SPCoI has been given a broad mandate that can impede judicial proceedings and set in motion an alarming trend of targeting individuals and institutions that have worked on cases to strengthen accountability and transparency and uphold the rule of law in Sri Lanka. Thus, CPA calls for political parties, religious leaders, civil society and all citizens who value the rule of law and democracy in Sri Lanka to critically assess the findings of the CoI and challenge the SPCoI. CPA also calls for the repeal of the Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry Act No. 07 of 1978 which, as witnessed in the past, has always been used to target political opponents and in many cases to impose civic disabilities. Inertia and unwillingness to counter such measures will only solidify authoritarian rule and set in motion unprecedented challenges to Sri Lanka’s fragile democracy.

Download the full statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

CPA Statement – 73 Years of Independence

February, 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: On the eve of Sri Lanka’s 73rd Independence Day, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) conveys its grave concern with the state of ethno-religious relations and threats to democratic institutions in Sri Lanka. These concerns arise within a context of unprecedented challenges due to a global pandemic, heightened authoritarian and militarized governance, entrenched impunity and increasing threats to fundamental freedoms. It is a climate where the space for dissent is fast shrinking due to new levels of surveillance, incitement, and the targeting of minorities. CPA notes the spate of arrests and detentions of writers, lawyers and media personnel including Hejaaz Hizbullah, Ramzy Razeek & Ahnaf Jazeem to name a few such cases, where due process guarantees are undermined and questions as to the real motivation for such arrests have been raised. CPA is also deeply concerned with the arbitrary decision to impose forced cremations for Covid-19 deaths, a cruel policy decision void of any scientific basis that directly impacts and marginalises the Muslim community in Sri Lanka. Compounding these worrying developments is the rising influence of Sinhala Buddhist ethno-nationalism in state policy. This is evident in the influential role played by several leading Buddhist clergy as well as systematic efforts to change the ethnic demography in the North and East of the country that could lead to long term implications for electoral politics, coexistence and reconciliation.

Independence Day provides a valuable opportunity to understand the key failings of successive governments post independence. Particularly, failings in relation to building a peaceful and stable country with shared prosperity for all its citizens. Over the past year, not only has the government displayed no efforts to improve ethnic relations in Sri Lanka, but government policies have actively exacerbated ethnic tensions and marginalised communities. The government’s failure in this regard is driven by its mistaken belief that it represents only those who voted for it and the inability to recognise the very political conflicts that underpinned the armed conflict in Sri Lanka.

CPA further notes the targeting of those who were instrumental in investigations, prosecutions and other initiatives to address accountability and transparency over the past years. A recent development in this regard is the report of the Presidential Commission on political victimisation that raises serious concerns on the integrity of ongoing and past judicial processes. Whilst the government is moving swiftly to implement the recommendations of this Presidential Commission on political victimisation, very little has been done to implement even limited recommendations of previous commissions on past abuses and violence.  It is also deeply worrying that a new Presidential Commission was appointed in January to investigate, inquire into and implement the recommendations of previous Commissions “in line with the present Government policy”. This will only add to the already long list of such Commissions with little to no prospect of genuine action.

This is the first Independence Day held amidst a pandemic and a time to look beyond the pomp and pageantry to review the disturbing ground realities. CPA notes that the above challenges are worsened by an economic crisis that has highlighted the structural inequalities and hardships faced by many Sri Lankans. These economic and social challenges require urgent attention. To date, there is no comprehensive plan to address structural issues with the official rhetoric more focused on setting up task forces, giving prominence to former and serving military officials and ad-hoc assistance schemes.

Independence Day is also held in the backdrop of a hard-hitting report by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) which documents numerous violations and notes the dismal efforts at addressing Sri Lanka’s legacy of past abuses. The report contains a list of recommendations to the Government of Sri Lanka, Member States and the United Nations, indicative that only limited progress in addressing human rights, justice and reconciliation is possible in Sri Lanka within the present context. In light of this report and other documents that speak to the worrying developments in Sri Lanka, the primary burden is on the Government of Sri Lanka to act in a responsible manner to address these concerns, rather than resort to diplomatic posturing which is counterproductive to all segments of Sri Lankan citizens. If the government is unwilling or unable to act in a manner that protects the rights of all its citizens, CPA urges the Core Group and Member States to introduce a strong resolution that reflects on the findings of the OHCHR report with steps taken to address ongoing violations and reckon with past abuses. Such an initiative is key to support human rights, the rule of law, accountability and reconciliation within Sri Lanka.

Thus, despite the celebrations this week, the situation in Sri Lanka is of serious concern. Historic mistakes are being repeated with the misguided belief that the outcome would be different on this occasion. As usual much noise will be made revolving around the UN Human Rights Council process but the rhetoric is likely to be designed to distract and deflect. CPA urges caution with promises that are likely to be made and the need to focus on the real dangers at play in the country. The trends noted here must not be ignored. And it is time for all to robustly and peacefully challenge any threats to Sri Lanka’s fragile democracy.

Download the full statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Revisiting Ten Emblematic Cases in Sri Lanka: Why Justice Remains Elusive

20th January 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The repudiation of Sri Lanka’s commitments to promote reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka by the present government as well as policies and actions intended to reverse even the limited progress made, raise serious concerns about the possibility of obtaining justice for victims of human rights violations.

In this report, CPA examines ten cases emblematic of the failings and inadequacies of the criminal justice system of Sri Lanka. In the majority of these cases, victims and their families have been waiting for justice for over a decade, with slow progress at the investigative and prosecutorial stages. The few cases which were concluded show that justice has eluded the victims, with the accused acquitted and released, such as in the Trinco Five case and the assassination of Joseph Pararajasingham.

CPA reiterates the urgent need for structural and legal reforms recommended in the present report as well as its previous publication on the subject. The emblematic cases highlighted in this report are only a handful among countless cases where progress has been slow and long drawn out. The victims of these violations are losing confidence in ever obtaining justice through the criminal justice system of Sri Lanka, and it is imperative to address their concerns through comprehensive and genuine reforms.

Read the full report in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

Webinar: The Politics of Memorialisation in Sri Lanka

January 18th 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) hosted a webinar ‘The Politics of Memorialisation in Sri Lanka’ on January 18, 2021. The discussion was held in light of the recent demolition of the Mullivaikkal Memorial in Jaffna University.

The panellists included Senior Lecturer at the University of Jaffna Dr. Mahendran Thiruvarangan, artist and activist Prof. Chandraguptha Thenuwara, author and researcher on peacebuilding and reconciliation Sarah Kabir, and moderated by Bhavani Fonseka, Senior Researcher at the Centre for Policy alternatives.

Watch a recording of the discussion which was followed by a short Q and A here.

Submission to Experts Committee to Draft a New Constitution Appointed by the Ministry of Justice

December 9th 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), made the following submission which outlines CPA’s general views on the nature and form of a new constitutional settlement for Sri Lanka.

The submission addresses some of the major constitutional issues that have been the basis of public debate for many years.

Click here to view the English submission and the Sinhala and Tamil translations.

Webinar: Marking Human Rights Day Amidst a Pandemic

December 10th 2020, Colombo Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) hosted a webinar to mark Human Rights Day on December 10, 2020. The discussion provided key insights into the Sri Lankan context, assessing how Government initiatives to combat the Coronavirus pandemic have impacted the rule of law, human rights and other economic issues in the country.

The panellists included Attorney at law Ermiza Tegal, Attorney at law Nethmini Medawala, and former advisor to the Minister of Finance, Daniel Alphonsus. The discussion was moderated by Bhavani Fonseka, Senior Researcher at the Centre for Policy alternatives.

Below is a recording of the discussion which was followed by a short Q and A.

Statement on Forced Cremations

December 3rd 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The faith the victims of forced cremation of COVID-19 or COVID-19 suspected dead had in the highest court in Sri Lanka has been shattered. Victims and communities are now left without a recourse in Sri Lanka for the continued injustice they suffer. “We placed greater hopes in the courts. However, for reasons unknown our applications have been rejected. Now we feel dejected, let down and abandoned”, said a son of one of the victims who challenged the offensive regulation in court.

On Tuesday the country’s Supreme Court, by a majority decision refused to grant leave to proceed to the 11 applications filed by petitioners belonging to Muslim, Christian and Catholic communities challenging the Sri Lankan government’s forcible cremation policy on the grounds that it violates the right to freedom of religion and belief of some faiths and that the said regulation, in fact, violates the law under which the regulation has been made as the law itself permits either burial or cremation.

Several eminent lawyers represented the petitioners and argued that the state had provided no evidence that the burial of COVID-19 or suspected COVID-19 dead is a danger to public health. Hence, they said the government by imposing this new restriction violated the constitutionally protected and safeguarded the rights of religious beliefs and practice for whom burial is a critical religious practice, in addition to being a fundamental right.

We are aware that the decision by the Court in refusing leave to proceed was unanimous but unfortunately no reasons were given by the bench for their decision. While we are unable to comment on the basis for the dissent by one judge , we feel the issues raised in the petitions deserved to be heard in full.

Some of the petitioners said on Tuesday that the distraught families of the victims have been asking them to explore the possibilities of how they could continue to fight for justice and hence would consider all options.

“We fully understand that due to the pandemic there is public emergency under which certain rights can be limited including the manifestation of freedom of religion and belief. We also understand that Buddhists, Hindus, Christians, Muslims and others have all been affected by these restrictions; but in all other cases where rights are limited there is evidence of the need to do so,” said one of the petitioners against the policy on forcible cremation. It was brought to the attention that Catholics and Muslims, in deliberations have agreed to all the restrictions including with regard to gathering, handling, washing, praying and specialized mode of burying and all they want was only to be buried adhering to all health conditions.

Under international law limitations of rights such as the freedom to practice one’s religion has to be prescribed by law and the limitation must be necessary and proportionate.

Restrictions and limitations on religious gatherings, congregational prayers and mass celebrations of religious festivals can be necessitated on the grounds that social distancing is vital to reduce the spread of the virus and are being adhered to and cooperated voluntarily.

“Over and over again we have asked the government to give us the reasoning for this policy and they have failed to provide any evidence that burial of COVID-19 dead can contribute to the spread of the virus or provide any health threat,” a son who did not consent for the cremation of his father and hence had to abandon the father’s remains said.

There has been national and international criticism of the government of Sri Lanka on its rare decision to cremate COVID-19 and COVID-19 suspected dead, in spite of clear guidelines by the World Health Organisation explaining that the burial of such victims poses no danger to public health. The Resident Coordinator of the United Nations office in Sri Lanka, United Nations special experts and regional human rights groups have separately written to the government calling for the policy to be changed to ensure COVID-19 dead were handled with dignity and human rights of all are protected. Numerous national civil society organisations, religious groups and individual activists have also written letters and signed petitions to the government calling for a change to the policy.

Human rights groups have been warning that the ethno-centric position of the government, in the context of the state’s failure to challenge hate campaigns and violence against Muslims, points to racism and discrimination targeting the country’s approximately nine percent Muslim population.

These measures affect more than one religious group, but it is particularly terrifying Muslims for whom the burial of dead is an non-negotiable religious practice. They feel targeted, bullied and threatened by the manner in which the government is acting on this.

As of 3rd December 2020, Sri Lanka had over 25,000 cases of COVID 19, 124 deaths, of which over 50 were Muslims.

This press statement is released by:

1. Centre for Policy Alternative
2. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
3. Law and Society Trust
4. Women’s Action Network
5. Alliance for Minorities
6. Affected Women’s Forum
7. Suriya Women’s Development Centre
8. Sisterhood initiative
9. Hashtag Generation
10. Rural Development Foundation
11. National Peace Council
12. Mannar Women’s Development Federation
13. National Fisheries Solidarity Movement
14. Human Elevation Organisation
15. Eastern Social Development Foundation
16. Islamic Women’s Association for Research and Empowerment
17. Association of the Parents and Family Members of the Disappeared
18. Muslim Women’s Development Trust
19. Aalumai Women’s Group
20. Nisha Development Centre

 

Editors Note:

Names of petitioners and victims have been excluded from this statement due to security reasons.

On 11th April 2020 the Minister of Health brought in an amended regulation making cremation compulsory for COVID-19 or suspected COVID-19 victims. A circular published on 27 March, consistent with previous health regulations, allowed cremation or burial within 24 hours. This changed with the Ministry of Health’s Provisional Clinical Practice Guidelines on COVID-19 Suspected and Confirmed Patients, dated 31 March, which made cremation the only option. Until 30 March, the Ministry of Health webpage listed burial as a safe option for COVID-19 victims – but the death of the first Muslim victim saw a rushed cremation that made the guidelines disappear overnight.

Gender and Criminal Justice Reform

In this series of papers, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) looks at legal and policy reform needed to address Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV).  CPA identifies several areas in which the statute books need to be updated in order to ensure that the safety and dignity of women are protected, but also it is recognised that legal reform alone cannot fully address these needs, and it must be coupled with broad policy reforms in order to bring about real change.

The series consists of 4 parts.

Part I examines existing laws that need reform, and why law reform in this area has been slow. It includes broad policy reforms aimed at making the Criminal Justice System more victim centric. The full document can be downloaded here.

Parts II, III and IV examine the need to introduce specific laws for the criminalisation of online sexual violence, female genital mutilation and vitriolage respectively, together with policy reforms aimed at addressing issuing arising in those specific areas.

Download the full document for Part II, Part III and Part IV in English.

Sinhala translations are available here: Part I, Part II, Part III and Part IV.

Tamil translations are available here: Part I, Part II, Part III and Part IV.

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Rethinking the Attorney General’s Department in Sri Lanka: Ideas for Reform

The Attorney General of Sri Lanka is the Chief Law Officer of the State and is considered to be the Head of the legal profession. The Attorney General is accorded a unique constitutional position with regards to his duties, privileges and responsibilities, which are defined by both constitutional and statutory provisions, as well as, through convention. However, the importation of the Commonwealth model of the Attorney General, the evolution of the Office of the Attorney General in Sri Lanka, and the increasing complexity and expansion of the legal system, have all resulted in the Attorney General’s Department carrying out various roles and functions, which are served by separate or designated offices in more advanced jurisdictions.

In a study conducted by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) three different roles played by the Attorney General are examined – the role played in prosecuting crimes; the role played in the passage of legislation; and the role played as legal adviser to the government. In this paper, CPA notes the need for both structural and operational reforms to ensure effectiveness and independence of the Attorney General and also provides ideas for potential reforms.

Download the full report in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Technocratic Populism and the Pandemic State

This paper examines the ways in which the Sri Lankan Government has been able to employ a counterintuitive and underexamined type of populist rhetoric, that of technocratic populism. It looks at the ways in which both technocratic and populist narratives are combined, creating an ideological framework which serves to sanitize increasingly authoritarian actions. It focuses in particular on the processes of executive aggrandizement and militarisation, exploring how technocratic populist framing presents each, not as unfortunate side effects, but key components of a political project which serves to solve problems of administrative ineffectiveness. The paper goes on to look at these dynamics in the context of the pandemic response, both in terms of the acceleration of the processes highlighted and the effects that the success or failure of the response may have on the continued effectiveness of technocratic populist justifications.

Download the full report here.

Q and A on Regulations Issued under the Quarantine and Prevention of Diseases Ordinance & how this impacts the COVID-19 response in Sri Lanka

Following the detection of a spate of new COVID-19 cases in Sri Lanka, regulations were made by the Minister of Health under Sections 2 and 3 of the Quarantine and Prevention of Diseases Ordinance (the Ordinance) by Gazette Extraordinary No. 2197/25 of Thursday, October 15, 2020. This guide briefly examines the legal framework relating to these regulations as well as other action taken to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has consistently reiterated the importance of the effort to tackle the pandemic adhering to constitutional governance and upholding the rule of law in Sri Lanka. Several other documents were issued previously by CPA on a range of legal and human rights issues linked to COVID-19 which are available on the CPA website.

The following Q and A can be downloaded in English, Sinhala, and Tamil.

1. What are the quarantine regulations which have been gazetted following the COVID-19 outbreak in Sri Lanka?

  • Gazette Extraordinary No. 2167/18 – Friday, March 20, 2020 declaring COVID-19 a quarantinable disease for the purposes of the existing Quarantine Regulations passed under the Ordinance in 1925 and 1960 making these regulations applicable to procedures taken in relation to COVID-19.
  • Gazette Extraordinary No. 2168/6 of Wednesday, March 25, 2020 defining the proper authority and a diseased locality.
  • Gazette Extraordinary No. 2170/8 of Saturday, April 11, 2020 on mandatory cremation of persons who die of COVID-19.
  • Gazette Extraordinary No. 2197/25 of Thursday, October 15, 2020 on restriction of movement and guidelines to be followed in public places.

2. How do these regulations impact ordinary citizens?

These regulations have a direct impact on the lives of ordinary citizens as follows:

  • The maximum occupancy rates for public buildings and public transportation may be limited to ensure adequate social distancing.[1]
  • Where a proper authority has established and designated a hospital or place of observation, no unauthorized person may approach or come within one hundred yards of it.[2]
  • A proper authority may “cause any person diseased, or suspected to be diseased[3], in any house or place to be removed to some public hospital or other place provided for the purpose, for such period as may be directed” or direct such person for self-quarantine and obstructing this process is an offence under the Ordinance.[4]
  • A proper authority may enter a house or premises for the purposes of ascertaining whether any of the occupants are suffering from any disease of a contagious, infectious or epidemic nature.[5]
  • A person suffering from a contagious or infectious disease is prohibited from using public conveyance[6] (including taxis and ride-hailing options). The regulations also forbid an owner or driver of a public conveyance from carrying such a diseased passenger, without the sanction of a proper authority.[7]
  • Every person in a public place or any other place where such person may come into close contact with another person, in any diseased locality must wear a face mask at all times and maintain social distancing of not less than one meter between two persons.[8]
  • A person shall not open to the public any institution, place of business or any other similar premises in a diseased locality within the period determined by the proper authority, unless permitted by the proper authority. The proper authority may allow functioning of any institution, work place, super market, shop, sales outlet or any other place of business which provides essential services or any other service required for maintaining national security or public health in any diseased locality.[9]
  • The employer or person in charge of any institution or work place or a person who owns or is in charge of a super market, shop, sales outlets or any other place of business providing essential services is authorized to;
    1. Ensure that the maximum number of persons permitted within the premises is not exceeded and ensure that social distancing is maintained.
    2. Ensure that all persons wear a face mask at all times.
    3. Ensure that body temperature of all persons entering is measured.
    4. Provide adequate handwashing facilities and ensure that all persons wash their hands before entering.[10]
  • Where the body temperature of any person is more than the body temperature as determined by the proper authority, such person shall not be allowed to enter such premises.[11]
  • The driver, conductor and the owner of a vehicle used for public transportation in any diseased locality shall ensure social distancing between passengers and follow other disease preventive measures.[12]

3. Who is the Proper Authority?

The Director General of Health Services was designated as the “Proper Authority” in respect of the whole of Sri Lanka by Gazette Extraordinary No. 2168/6 dated 25 March 2020.

According to Regulation 1 of the regulations issued by the above Gazette, the Director General of Health Services may delegate some of his powers to the Medical Officer of Health as well as the Chairpersons of the local authorities, medical officers in ports, airports and in any military, naval or air force establishment and the District Director of Health Services or the Regional Director of Health Services.

However, the Attorney General in a letter addressed to the Acting Inspector General of Police (IGP), has stated that the Director General of Health Services has delegated his powers as the proper authority to the Acting IGP.[13] Although this letter has been used to sanction the legitimacy of several actions carried out by the police as part of the COVID-19 response, it is not clear under what legal provisions and/or regulations that the powers of the proper authority have been delegated to the Acting IGP.

4. What is a diseased locality? Who can identify a diseased locality?

Under the Quarantine and Prevention of Diseases Ordinance, ‘diseased’ is defined to mean infected or suspected of being infected with disease.

Gazette Extraordinary No. 2168/6 dated 25 March 2020 defines a ‘diseased locality’ as any locality infected or suspected of being infected with disease and declared to be diseased by the Proper Authority as a diseased locality for such period as the Proper Authority shall determine.

According to these regulations, the Proper Authority must identify a diseased locality. However, at present the public communications identifying diseased localities are issued by the police, which is not identified as a Proper Authority under the Gazette.

5. Who has the power to carry out the quarantine process under the regulations?

According to Regulation 91 and 92 of the Regulations issued in October 2020, a Proper Authority may “cause any person diseased, or suspected to be diseased, in any house or place to be removed to some public hospital or other place provided for the purpose, for such period as may be directed” or direct such person for self-quarantine.

However, at present, the quarantine process is being carried out by the Police and/or the military, which is not identified as a Proper Authority under the Regulations. This raises concerns about the accountability of the process and potential abuse of power.

6. What are the procedures to be followed when directing a person to a quarantine centre or for self-quarantine?

Under the Quarantine Regulations 1925, a Proper Authority may enter a house or premises to ascertain whether any of the occupants are suffering from any contagious disease.[14]  Obstructing this process would be an offence under the Ordinance.

However, in view of a variety of complaints and expressions of concerns received relating to the process, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) has issued guidelines to be followed in the quarantine process.

The HRCSL recommends that the quarantine process be regularized under the law by;

  • Transparency in delegation of powers by the “Proper Authority”
  • Vest powers of testing on designated qualified personnel
  • List the places designated as quarantine centres and the designating authority.
  • Clarify the period of required quarantining
  • Create a receipt system for quarantined persons including the reason for quarantine, the place they are being taken to and the length of isolation
  • External scrutiny of quarantine centres, especially by the “Proper Authority”
  • Prohibit those handling quarantine from informing the media of the proposed quarantining efforts, exposing those being quarantined to public gaze as though they were offenders rather than unfortunate victims of a virulent virus.

The HRCSL also makes the following recommendations to ameliorate the hardships imposed by the quarantining process.

  • Ensuring quarantined period is considered paid/ duty leave
  • Ensuring financial or any other assistance to families of those in quarantine
  • The Grama Niladhari be immediately informed when a person is quarantined
  • In the circumstances where the vulnerable dependents in the families are left behind due to quarantine process, the Grama Niladhari to ensure provision of all necessary support to vulnerable persons including alerting the proper authorities.

7. What is the legal basis for the curfew imposed in some areas at present?

The legal validity of the curfew imposed in response to the COVID-19 health emergency had been previously questioned.[15]

The present curfew is often referred to as a “Quarantine Curfew”. However, the Quarantine and Disease Prevention Ordinance does not make provision for the imposition of any type of ‘curfew’. The term ‘Curfew’ can only be found in Section 16 of the PSO to be imposed by the President.

  • Section 21(2) of the PSO stipulates “the provisions of subsection (3) of section 2 shall, mutatis mutandis, apply to an order made under section 12, section 16 or section 17”.
  • Section 02(3) of the PSO prescribes, “where a Proclamation is made under the preceding provisions of this section, the occasion thereof shall forthwith be communicated to Parliament, and, if Parliament is then separated by any such adjournment or prorogation as will not expire within ten days, a Proclamation shall be issued for the meeting of Parliament within ten days”.

Therefore, in accordance with the law, the President is obliged to officially gazette the imposition of curfew and thereafter disclose the details of the gazette to the Parliament.

8. Who has the power to conduct random temperature checks of the public?

Media reports indicate that military mobile squadrons patrolling and carrying out random temperature checks. Army Spokesman Brigadier Chandana Wickremesinghe said, “Army squadrons are carrying out temperature checks in all parts of Colombo at random. This is to ensure vigilance and awareness for possible positive cases. In addition, impromptu roadblocks were also operating in the Colombo and Gampaha Districts, checking around 2,500 vehicles each day. Up to now, we have checked up to 25,000 vehicles and few less than 100 have been directed to hospitals.”

The Gazette Extraordinary No. 2197/25 authorizes[16] an employer or person in charge of any institution or work place and a person who owns or is in charge of a supermarket, shop, sales outlets or any other place of business to ensure that the body temperature of every person is measured before entering such premises.

There is no provision for the military to conduct temperature checks as per the gazettes issued to date under Ordinance.

9. What is the legal procedure to be followed where there is failure by a person to comply with the regulations under the Quarantine and Prevention of Diseases Ordinance?

The Ordinance makes it a punishable offence for any person, without lawful authority or excuse, to contravene any regulation promulgated under the Ordinance. Where a person fails to comply with the regulations he may be charged before a Magistrate’s Court, and if convicted be sentenced to a term of rigorous or simple imprisonment not exceeding six months, to impose a fine, or both.

Alternatively, he may be charged under section 262 of the Penal Code which makes it an offence to unlawfully or negligently do any act which is likely to spread the infection of any disease dangerous to life or section 264 of the Penal Code which makes it an offence to knowingly disobey any rule made and promulgated by the Government for regulating the intercourse between places where an infectious disease prevails and other places.

10. What is the legal position on mandatory cremation of persons who die of COVID-19?

Section 3(1)(i) of the Ordinance authorizes the Minister to make regulations for prescribing the mode of burial or cremation of any person dying of disease. Regulations issued by Gazette Extraordinary No. 2170/8 of Saturday, April 11, 2020 makes it mandatory to cremate the body of a person who has died or is suspected to have died of COVID-19.

There is WHO Interim Guidance dated 24 March 2020 on Infection Prevention and Control for the Safe Management of a Dead Body in the Context of COVID-19. The Guidance states that ‘cadavers do not transmit disease’ and that ‘It is a common myth that persons who have died of a communicable disease should be cremated, but this is not true. Cremation is a matter of cultural choice and available resources’. The Guidance further advises the authorities to ‘manage each situation on a case-by-case basis, balancing the rights of the family, the need to investigate the cause of death, and the risks of exposure to infection’. Where disposal is concerned, the Guidance says that ‘People who have died from COVID-19 can be buried or cremated’. The Government has recently stated that they will reconsider the mandatory nature of cremation as per Regulation No 2170/8.

 

[1] Regulations 61 and 65 of the 1925 Regulations and Regulations 90, 94, 95 and 97 of the Regulations of October 2020.

[2] Regulations 43 and 44 of the Quarantine Regulations 1925

[3] Due to this, an individual may not refuse to report for quarantine on the basis that he was not symptomatic.

[4] Regulation 49 of the Quarantine Regulations 1925 and Section 4 (1) of the Ordinance; Regulation 91 and 92 of the Regulations of October 2020.

[5] Regulation 66 of the Quarantine Regulations 1925

[6] A Public Conveyance is broadly defined as any railroad car, street car, ferry, cab, bus, airplane or other vehicle which carries passengers for hire.

[7] Regulation 69 of the Quarantine Regulations 1925

[8] Regulation 90 of the Regulations of October 2020.

[9] Regulation 92 and 93 of the Regulations of October 2020.

[10] Regulation 94 and 95 of the Regulations of October 2020.

[11] Regulation 96 of the Regulations of October 2020.

[12] Regulation 97 of the Regulations of October 2020.

[13] MENAFN, ‘Sri Lanka- AG approves steps enforced by Police’ available at https://menafn.com/1100099455/Sri-Lanka-AG-approves-steps-enforced-by-Police accessed 04 November 2020.

[14] Regulation 66 of the Quarantine Regulations 1925

[15] Centre for Policy Alternatives, ‘Curfew in response to COVID-19: Legal Framework and Relevant Questions in Sri Lanka’ available at <https://www.cpalanka.org/curfew-in-response-to-covid-19-legal-framework-and-relevant-questions-in-sri-lanka/> accessed 03 November 2020. ; Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka, ‘HRCSL Recommendations on Regularizing the Imposition of Curfew’ available at <https://www.hrcsl.lk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/curfew.HRCSL-recommendation-final.pdf> accessed 03 November 2020.

[16] Regulations 94, 95 and 96 of the Regulations of October 2020.

Written Submissions by the CPA on the Case re the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution

On 23 September 2020, The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed a Petition in the Supreme Court challenging the proposed Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution. A Brief overview of the Petition filed on behalf of CPA and its Executive Director is available here.

The CPA’s basic position was that several clauses of the Bill had a prejudicial impact on the Sovereignty of the people (Article 3) and therefore required to be passed by a 2/3rds majority in Parliament and by the people at a referendum. The full Petition filed by CPA can be viewed here.

The only determination the Supreme Court can make in relation to a Bill which is a constitutional amendment, is whether the Bill as a whole or a part of it has to be passed at a referendum. Relevant extract from Chapter XVI, Article 120 of the Constitution is below:

Considering the number of persons who challenged the 20th amendment Bill and the limited time frame during which the Supreme Court had to decide on the issue, the court limited the time allocated for each Petition and allowed all Petitioners to file comprehensive written submissions on 2 October.

The written submissions filed by CPA and its Executive Director can be viewed here.

The Court also allowed the Petitioners to file further written submissions in response to Arguments made by the Attorney General on 5 October. The further written submissions filed by CPA and its Executive Director can be viewed here.

Interview: The Threat to Democracy Through the 20th Amendment

30th September 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, in conversation with Faraz Shaukataly on Newsline Live broadcasted on Newsfirst.

Dr. Saravanamuttu speaks about the grave threat to democracy through the proposed 20th Amendment to the constitution which attempts to roll back checks and balances introduced by the 19th Amendment and bring back the executive presidency of 1978, where all power was concentrated in one office and held by one individual.

 

The Centre for Policy Alternatives vs. The Attorney General [SC. SD. 03 /2020] in re the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution [2020]

23rd September 2020, A Bill titled ‘The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution’ (the Bill) was placed on the Order Paper of Parliament on 22nd of September 2020. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed a Petition in the Supreme Court today (23rd September 2020) in terms of Articles 120 and 121 of the Constitution, stating that the Bill can only be passed in Parliament with a special majority (2/3rds of the Members of Parliament) and with the approval of the people at a referendum.

Below are some of the main clauses CPA has challenged through its Petition;

  • Clause 5 of the Bill, which attempts to take away the right of citizens to challenge official acts and/or omissions of the President by way of Fundamental Rights Applications. This would remove the only effective check and balance on the holder of the office of President during his tenure of office.
  • Clauses 7 and 17 of the Bill, which seek to increase the powers of the President in the appointment of all categories of Ministers, the removal of such Ministers as well as the Prime Minister, and in the dissolution of Parliament. This could result in the President having full control over Parliament and derogating from the role of Parliament as a check on the President.
  • Clauses 27 and 28 of the Bill, which aim to introduce a procedure for passing ‘Urgent Bills’, bypassing the opportunity for Citizens to challenge the Constitutionality of these Bills. This limited “pre-enactment review”, contained in Article 121 of the Constitution, is the only opportunity citizens have, to canvass the constitutional validity of a Bill / Act enacted by Parliament.
  • Clause 6 of the Bill, which attempts to abolish the Constitutional Council, and replace it with a system under which the President has unfettered discretion to make appointments to key positions. The Constitutional Council, which was constitutionally mandated to endeavour to make its decisions “unanimously”, provides a pluralistic and consultative approach to appoint individuals to key institutions, which are required to function independent of the Executive.
  • Clauses 6, 19, 20, 21 and 22 of the Bill, which will impact the effectiveness and independence of the Elections Commission. The amendment would denude the ability of the Elections Commission to conduct a “free and fair election”.

CPA argues that several provisions including those mentioned above cannot be passed with only a 2/3 majority of the total number of Members of Parliament, but also needs to be approved by the people at a Referendum, as they violate several entrenched provisions mentioned Article 83 of the Constitution. In particular, CPA argues that these provisions derogate the Sovereignty of the People, which has been guaranteed under Article 3 of the Constitution.

CPA has previously raised concerns regarding the Bill, as it rolls back many of the democratic reforms introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment in 2015, and as it creates an all-powerful Executive President, with minimum checks and balances.

The full petition filed by CPA, as well as the written submission filed on 2 October and further written submissions in response to Arguments made by the Attorney General on 10 October can be viewed here.

Right to Privacy in Sri Lanka

The right to privacy includes the right of individuals to lead their lives in a manner that is reasonably secluded from public scrutiny, and the right to make personal decisions regarding their lives. The importance of privacy and the multitude of practices through which privacy is breached are not fully appreciated by policymakers, businesses as well as the general public in Sri Lanka.

This paper discusses the importance of the right to privacy and seeks to critically respond to several developments in Sri Lanka. It suggests that in order to effectively protect the right to privacy, it is essential to incorporate a justiciable right to privacy within the chapter of the Constitution on Fundamental Rights. However, this alone would not be sufficient as the meaningful enjoyment of a constitutional right to privacy would depend on access to legal remedies, an effective institutional framework as well as societal acceptance of the value of privacy.

Download the full report here

Or watch this video to learn more.

 

A brief Q and A on the Proposed 20th Amendment to the Constitution

This brief guide is prepared by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) to highlight salient features of the proposed 20th Amendment to the Constitution. CPA also released a Statement on the 20th Amendment on 4 September 2020.

Download this Q and A in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

What is the Twentieth Amendment?

The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution Bill (“proposed Amendment”) was published in the Gazette Supplement dated 2nd September 2020 (and made available to the public on the 3rd of September 2020). The crux of the proposed Amendment is that it does away with most of what was introduced by way of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 2015, and reintroduces much of what was in place under the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution, in 2010.

Why was the Nineteenth Amendment enacted?

  • To reduce the powers of the Executive President, and make him/her more accountable to Parliament and the Courts.
  • To improve the independence of several commissions, by, among other things, depoliticizing the process of appointing members.

The Nineteenth Amendment was passed with wide support from Parliament, with 215 MPs voting in its favour (one voted against, one abstained, and seven were absent).

How does a Bill become law?

At present the proposed Amendment is just a Bill, which means that it has not yet been passed into law. There are several steps which need to take place before the proposed Amendment can be passed, and become a part of the Constitution.

  • Any Bill must be published in the Gazette 14 days before it can be placed on the Order Paper of Parliament (Article 78(1) of the Constitution).
  • Thereafter, it may be placed on the Order Paper of Parliament for its first reading. (This will be after the 16th of September 2020)
  • Within 7 days from a Bill being placed on the order paper of Parliament, any citizen can challenge the Constitutionality of the Bill in the Supreme Court (Article 121 of the Constitution). There has already been some indication that certain parties intend on challenging the proposed Amendment in this manner.

What happens if the proposed Amendment is not challenged in the Supreme Court?

The proposed Amendment can be taken up for a second reading one week from the first reading. This is the stage at which Parliament debates the proposed Amendment. Thereafter, at the third reading, it is voted on, and if sufficient numbers vote in its favour, it is passed into law. As this is an amendment to the Constitution and not an ordinary law, 2/3rds of the total number of MPs must vote in its favour in order for it to be passed into law (Article 82(5) of the Constitution).

What is the role of the Supreme Court if the proposed Amendment is challenged?

The Court will examine if the proposed Amendment violates any entrenched provisions of the Constitution (Article 83 of the Constitution). If the Court decides that any one or more provisions of the proposed Amendment violate one or more of these entrenched provisions, then, in addition to 2/3rds of the MPs voting in its favour, the proposed Amendment will also have to be voted on by the People at a Referendum. Alternatively, the Government may delete the clauses that the Supreme Court holds to violate entrenched provisions, and pass the proposed Amendment with the votes of 2/3rds of the MPs.

What is the Constitutional Council?

The Constitutional Council is a body which was introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment, which replaced a body known as the Parliamentary Council which was set up by the Eighteenth Amendment.

The primary role of the Constitutional Council is to maintain and monitor the affairs of the Independent Commissions (such as the Election commission, Public Service Commission, Bribery Commission and the Human Rights Commission). This Council is mandated with multiple roles, with an important role being that it acts as a check on appointments to several important positions, including the members of these commissions (Article 41B of the Constitution), and other offices such as Judges of the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal, the Attorney – General and the Inspector General of Police (Article 41C of the Constitution).

The Council is structured in a manner to ensure wide representation, including numerous political parties. The Council acts as a check to ensure appointments are not at the sole discretion of the Executive President. Thus, by contributing to the appointment process, the Council depoliticises and makes the appointee less beholden to one person or one political party.

How is the structure of the Parliamentary Council different to the Constitutional Council?

The proposed Twentieth Amendment seeks to bring back the Parliamentary Council which existed under the Eighteenth Amendment. The key differences in the structure of the two Councils are as follows;

  • The Parliamentary Council only consists of Members of Parliament (the Constitutional Council has three non – political figures)
  • The Parliamentary Council is most likely to consist of MPs from only the political party or alliances to which the Prime Minister (PM) and Leader of the Opposition (LO) belong.
  • The absence of meaningful consultation with other political parties in the appointment process is a matter of concern.
  • There is no recognition of the pluralistic nature of the Country, as the Parliamentary Council may be representative of only two communities based on the choices of the PM and LO for members No. 4 and 5.

Who will appoint officials to key positions if the proposed Amendment is enacted?

The table below provides a comparison between the manner of appointment of officers to several important officers under the present constitution and the proposed amendment;


How will the proposed Amendment affect the appointment of individuals to key positions?

The Parliamentary Council can only provide “observations”, there is nothing to ensure that the President has to consider these observations. Thus, this will result in a position in which the President, more or less, has the unfettered discretion to appoint persons he/she wishes to these offices. This may result in the politicisation of these positions and affect the independence of these offices.

What is the current position regarding the President’s immunity in Court?

The Nineteenth Amendment reduced the scope of the immunity of the President and allows for citizens to file Fundamental Rights Applications against the President when exercising executive power (Article 35(1)). The President is not named in these cases, as the Attorney General is named to represent the President. Thus, the President is not expected to attend Court like others but he/she will be represented by the Attorney General. Several acts of the former and current President were challenged and are presently before the Supreme Court. These include the 2018 Dissolution case, cases relating to the inaction preceding the Easter Sunday attacks, cases relating to attempts to reintroduce the Death Penalty, cases challenging several Presidential Pardons and the case challenging the granting of the ‘Paget Road Mansion’ to president Sirisena as a retirement benefit.

How does the proposed Amendment affect the President’s immunity in Court?

The proposed Twentieth Amendment seeks to revert back to the position in the original Constitution, prior to the Nineteenth Amendment, where the President is immune from both civil and criminal proceedings. As such, citizens will no longer be able to file Fundamental Rights Applications against the President.

However, the Supreme Court has previously held that this immunity is only applicable during the period in which the President holds office as Article 35 of the Constitution shields only the doer of the act, and not the act itself.

Will the proposed Amendment reduce the Prime Minister’s powers?

Yes, the Prime Minister’s powers are significantly reduced. Below are some examples of how the Prime Minister’s power is reduced by the proposed Amendment..

  • Process for removal of the Prime Minister

The present Constitution does not permit the President to remove the Prime Minister unilaterally. The Prime Minister continues to hold office until and unless he/she resigns or ceases to be an MP (Article 46(2)) or if the government is defeated by a No-Confidence Motion (Article 48(2)).

Under the proposed Amendment, however, the President can remove the Prime Minister unilaterally (Article 47(a) of the proposed Amendment).

  • In appointing Ministers

At present, it is the President who decides on how many Ministers there are (subject to the limitation of it being 30 or less) and what subjects and functions are allocated to them, consulting the Prime Minister when the President considers such consultation to be necessary (Article 43(1) of the Constitution).

However, when deciding which MPs to appoint as Ministers to such Ministries, the President is required to act on the advice of the Prime Minister.

Under the proposed Amendment, even when appointing Ministers, the President only needs to consult the Prime Minister when he/she considers such consultation to be necessary.

  • In removing Ministers

Under the present Constitution the President is required to act on the advice of the Prime Minister when removing a Minister (Article 46(3)(a)).

However, under the proposed Twentieth Amendment, this requirement is dispensed with, and the President can unilaterally remove a Minister (Article 47(a) of the proposed Amendment). 

What is the impact of removing the Prime Minister from these decision-making roles?

The removal of these checks will result in a Cabinet which is likely to be subservient to the President, where they hold their positions at the pleasure of the President. The result of this is the consolidation of much power in one individual, with no checks and balances, when making decisions on behalf of the country.

How will the Cabinet of Ministers change under the proposed Amendment?

In addition to the President being given the sole discretion regarding Cabinet appointments, the size and structure of the Cabinet of Ministers will change with the proposed Amendment.

The Nineteenth Amendment brought in a limitation to the number of MPs who could be appointed as Ministers (30), non – cabinet Ministers and State Ministers (40 in total) (Article 46(1) of the Constitution). The proposed Amendment removes this limit, and it will be possible to appoint any amount of MPs as Ministers.

Another change that will happen under the proposed Amendment is that the President will once again be able to hold Ministerial portfolios. The Nineteenth Amendment, for the first time, disallowed the President from holding Ministerial portfolios. It provided transitional provisions for the previous President, Hon. Maithripala Sirisena, to hold limited Ministerial portfolios (subjects and functions of Defence, Mahaweli Development and Environment as per Section 51 of the Nineteenth Amendment Act). Under the proposed Amendment, the President may assign to himself/herself any subject or function and shall remain in charge of any subject or function not assigned to any Minister (Article 44(2)).

What is the problem with the President being able to appoint an unlimited number of Ministers and Deputy Ministers?

Firstly, these Ministers serve at the pleasure of the President and are completely beholden to the President. Thus, MPs will be loyal to the President as long as the President can offer them the perks of a Ministry and will unlikely be able to act as a check.

Secondly, when the Cabinet of Ministers proposes new laws, it is the Parliament that debates and votes on them. In the event a large percentage of MPs are also Members of the Cabinet of Ministers, this reduces the effectiveness of Parliament to act as a check.

Thirdly, having a large number of Ministries creates a large financial burden on the country.

How do the President’s powers over Parliament change under the proposed Amendment?

Under the Nineteenth Amendment, there is a restriction on when the President can dissolve Parliament, that is, the President can only dissolve Parliament after it has completed 4 and a half years of its five-year term. To dissolve Parliament before that point, the President needs a resolution requesting it to be dissolved, signed by at least 2/3rds of the MPs (Article 70(1)). The proposed Amendment seeks to revert back to the position that was in place prior to the Nineteenth Amendment, whereby the President can dissolve Parliament at any time after one year from the General Elections (except in a few limited circumstances). The President can also dissolve Parliament before the completion of one year, if he/she is requested to do so by resolution signed by at least half the MPs. 

This position gives the President wide power over Parliament, as he/she will have wide powers to dissolve it. This may result in a situation where the Parliament has to function subservient to the President’s wishes or risk dissolution, thus hampering its ability to act as an effective check.

How will the proposed Amendment affect the law making process?

The proposed Amendment results in the following changes in the law making process-

  • Reduce the time period during which the public has access to Bills before they are passed

In the case of ordinary laws and amendments to the Constitution, citizens will still be able to challenge the constitutionality of laws before they are passed in the Supreme Court (Article 121). However, the mandatory time period during which a law must be gazetted before it can be placed on the Order Paper of Parliament will be reduced from two weeks to one week under the proposed Amendment. This reduces the duration of the period during which the public is noticed of a proposed law, before it can be passed in Parliament.

  • Reintroduction of the urgent Bill process

The Twentieth Amendment attempts to bring back a type of law known as ‘Urgent Bills’ (proposed Article 122). In the case of such Bills, which the Cabinet of Ministers must decide is urgent and in the public interest, the President may refer it directly to the Chief Justice for a determination by the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of such law. The Supreme Court is required to give its determination within 24 hours to 72 hours, which means that the right of citizens to make submissions to the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of such law is significantly hindered.

The proposed Amendment is slightly different to the pre-Nineteenth Amendment position as it sets out that Constitutional Amendments cannot be brought as Urgent Bills (Article 122(3)). The Eighteenth Amendment itself was brought in as an Urgent Bill. Thus, the inclusion of this limitation is significant.

Are there features of the Nineteenth Amendment that will not be changed by the proposed Amendment?

There are three key features introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment that will remain in tact under the proposed Amendment;

  • The Nineteenth Amendment introduced the Right to Information into the Fundamental Rights chapter of the Sri Lankan Constitution (Article 14A). The proposed Twentieth Amendment does not take away this right.
  • Presidential and Parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka were held every 6 years prior to the Nineteenth Amendment. After the Nineteenth Amendment both these elections are to be held every 5 years (Term of the President – Article 30(2), Term of Parliament – Article 62(2)). The proposed Amendment does not change this position.
  • Prior to the Eighteenth Amendment, there was a limitation in the Constitution that any person who had been elected as President twice was not qualified to be elected a third time (two-term limit). The Eighteenth Amendment removed this limit, which is how former President Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa was able to contest the Presidential election for a third time in 2015. The Nineteenth Amendment reversed this position, reinforcing the two-term limit (Article 31(2)). The proposed Amendment leaves the two-term limit in place.

Do the criteria to be the President or a Member of Parliament change with the proposed Amendment?

The Nineteenth Amendment prevented dual citizens from becoming the President (Article 92(b)) or Members of Parliament (Article 91(1)(xiii)). The proposed Amendment removes this restriction. Thus, dual citizens will once again be able to contest these offices.

The Nineteenth Amendment also changed the minimum age for Presidency from 30 to 35 (Article 92(a)). The proposed Amendment seeks to reverse this position.

What happens to the Independent Commissions under the proposed Amendment?

The following are some significant changes proposed under the proposed Amendment-

  • Removal of the Constitutional recognition given to the Bribery Commission

The effect of this is that a future government will be able to abolish the Commission with a simple majority (half of Parliament voting in its favour). At present, due to its Constitutional recognition, an attempt to abolish it would require a 2/3rds majority of MPs to vote in favour of doing so.

  • President having the power to appoint and remove members of the Public Service Commission

This would give the President unchecked power over the Commission which would adversely affect the independence of the Commission and have the effect of undermining the independence of the public service. Under the present Constitution the appointment and removal of members requires the approval of the Constitutional Council.

  • President having the sole power to appoint members of the Judicial Service Commission

Under the proposed Amendment, the President may appoint any two judges of the Supreme Court as members of the Judicial Service Commission, without reference to their seniority and judicial experience serving as a Judge of a Court of First Instance. The Present Constitution clearly sets out how the seniority of Judges is to be considered when making appointments (Article 111          D of the Constitution.) The President may appoint and remove such members without the requirement of approval by the Parliamentary Council.

  • Reducing the powers of the Election Commission

The proposed Amendment seeks to introduce Article 104B(a)(i) which limits the guidelines issued by the Election Commission to the subject matters which are directly connected with the holding of elections or a referendum. The Election Commission will not be authorized to issue guidelines pertaining to any matter relating to the public service or within the ambit of administration of the Public Service Commission or the Judicial Service Commission.

  • Abolish the National Procurement Commission

This was introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment (Articles 156B to 156H) and will be abolished under the proposed Amendment.

These are all important Commissions which ensure transparency and fairness within the democratic system, and the proposed Amendment will impact their independence.

Is there a link between the experts committee appointed by the President and this Amendment?

According to media reports, an experts committee was appointed by the President on the 2nd of September 2020 to prepare a preliminary draft of a new Constitution. The Twentieth Amendment is not the draft prepared by the experts committee with the Bill gazetted on the same day the committee was appointed.

Statement on the Twentieth Amendment

4th September 2020: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned by the changes proposed by the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution Bill gazetted on 2nd September 2020 and its impact on constitutional democracy in Sri Lanka. CPA notes that the proposed amendment rolls back democratic reforms introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment in 2015 and are a return to unfettered executive power institutionalised by the Eighteenth Amendment introduced in 2010, save the retention of three aspects of the Nineteenth Amendment. We welcome the retention of five-year terms for President and Parliament, the two-term limit on presidential office, and the recognition of the right to information as a fundamental right. However, other changes proposed in the Bill will set in motion a process that will seriously undermine the separation of powers, the rule of law, and fundamental freedoms. CPA has prepared an initial and non-exhaustive comment on the provisions of the Bill in the annexed Table.

The principal changes proposed by the Twentieth Amendment Bill seek to remove the checks and balances on the executive presidency. In particular, it abolishes the binding limitations on presidential powers in relation to key appointments to independent institutions through the pluralistic and deliberative process of the Constitutional Council. Its replacement, the Parliamentary Council, is a mere a rubber stamp of the executive, with no genuine deliberative role envisaged for its members. It is a regression to what was in place under the Eighteenth Amendment, effectively providing sweeping powers to the President to appoint individuals to key institutions, and with it, politicising institutions that are meant to function independently of the political executive and for the benefit of citizens.

Moreover, CPA notes that the opportunity for citizens to challenge the executive actions of the President through fundamental rights applications has been removed, suggesting that the President is above the law. The checks on presidential power within the executive are abolished by the removal of the requirement of the Prime Minister’s advice for the appointment and dismissal of Cabinet and other Ministers. The appointment and particularly the dismissal of the Prime Minister are no longer dependent on the confidence of Parliament but at the discretion of the President. Parliament is disempowered against the executive by the restoration of the President’s power to dissolve Parliament at will at any time after the first year of its term. These fundamental changes to the constitutional separation and balance of powers will seriously undermine the accountability of government, and pose a significant challenge to existing democratic norms embodied in the Constitution. The erosion of constitutional checks and balances will also adversely impact on the efficient, effective, and transparent use of public funds.

CPA is similarly concerned with the impact the proposed amendment will have on the law-making process, in particular the reintroduction of ‘Urgent Bills’ and reducing the time proposed legislation is open to pre-enactment review. Such proposals reduce the transparency and accountability essential for the formulation of sound legislation, with wide implications for all citizens of Sri Lanka. CPA welcomes the proposal to limit the scope of committee-stage amendments; however as continuously pointed out by CPA over several years, this is not sufficient in the absence of an enforcement mechanism.

Greater scrutiny and discussion is necessary before enacting these proposals that will have serious implications for Sri Lanka’s constitutional democracy, erode the rule of law, and the sovereignty of citizens. CPA notes that such a process must take place with the engagement of all citizens, with information easily accessible on the proposals, and public debate on their implications. A hastily enacted constitutional amendment, as with the Eighteenth Amendment, that tilts the constitutional balance in a drastic manner towards the entrenchment of an all-powerful executive President will only create chaos and long-term discord in the country.

The democratic mandate received by the government in August 2020 must be recognised. However, that mandate must not be misconceived as a blank cheque for the government to do as it pleases. Doing so would only lead to the same mistakes governments elected in 1970, 1977, and 2010 made, and serve to undermine the rights of the citizens of this country.

Download the full report in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

A short Q and A with a breakdown of the Proposed Twentieth Amendment can also be downloaded in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Sama Vimarshi: July 2020

Initiated in 2000, සාමවිමර්ශී (Sama Vimarshi) July 2020 Issue is a critical examination into the timely issues on human rights, peace and conflict analysis, democratic practices, diversity and people’s participation in governance among many other contemporary key areas of concern in relation to the upcoming 2020 parliamentary elections. The journal includes independent narratives from representatives of mainstream political parties in addition to expert reviews on the political situation with the aim of strengthening civil society efforts towards expanding the democratic space in the country. The journal broadly addresses contemporary challenges in the socio-political events in Sri Lanka’s recent history in a timely and unbiased manner, with the primary objective of bringing these issues to closer attention of community readerships, academics, activists and policymakers alike, and of generating dialogue among people of diverse beliefs, norms and ethnicities through a bottom-up approach. 

The magazine can be downloaded in Sinhala and Tamil.

Statement on the Implementation of the Official Language Policy by the Consumer Affairs Authority and the National Medicines Regulatory Authority

June 22nd 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) welcomes the steps
taken by the Consumer Affairs Authority (CAA) to give effect to the Official Language Policy by issuing Gazette No. 2135/53 dated 07.08.2019 (also in Sinhala and Tamil) which was amended by Gazette No. 2156/16 dated 31.12.2019 (also in Sinhala and Tamil). In terms of the said gazettes, the CAA has directed all manufacturers, importers, distributors and traders to print important information regarding the product in Sinhala, Tamil and English languages on all packs, containers or on the wrappers of all articles/goods. These directions will be applicable to 76 separate categories of consumer goods.

Between 2013 and 2018 CPA filed over 150 complaints to the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) and the Official Languages Commission on the basis that important information regarding consumer goods are not provided in accordance with the Official Language Policy. A majority of the goods identified in the complaints made by CPA have been addressed in the above mentioned gazettes. Consequently, all consumers will be entitled to access the essential information regarding these consumer goods in all three languages from 01.09.2020, which is the effective date of the gazettes.

In this day and age, it is of utmost importance that consumers are able to access at least the basic information regarding products in order to ensure that such goods are appropriate and suitable for their consumption. As such providing such information in a language the consumer comprehends, will not only protect the individual’s right of access to instruction in the medium of his mother tongue (Sinhala and Tamil) but will also have a direct bearing on the consumers physical health and well being.

Since 2013 CPA has demonstrated to the CAA that essential information on the labels of the consumer goods, namely; product name, maximum retail price, date of expiry, date of manufacture, net weight / volume, country of origin/country of manufacture etc. were printed in only the English language. The Sri Lankan Constitution recognizes that both Sinhala and Tamil are official and national languages of Sri Lanka, with English recognized as a link language. Therefore, printing information on consumer goods in only English or in only one official language (Sinhala or Tamil) is a violation of the consumer’s right to access to information. CPA’s complaints to the CAA since 2013, were on the basis that the CAA had the power and responsibility to redress this situation and to uphold the Official Language Policy of Sri Lanka.

Despite CPA’s complaints and the numerous investigations conducted by the HRCSL and the Official Languages Commission over the years in response to these complaints, no significant progress was achieved until recently. In 29.01.2020 CPA sought information from the CAA, in terms of the Right to Information Act No. 12 of 2016,on the progress the CAA had made in relation to CPA’s complaints. From the responses received to these RTI requests, CPA was made aware of Section 01 of the Direction No. 68 published in the Gazette No. 2135/53 dated 07.08.2019 stipulating that the specified information had to be printed in all three languages; Sinhala, Tamil and English languages. However, the date of operation of Direction No. 68 has been amended under the Direction No. 71 published in the Gazette No. 2156/16 dated 31.12.2019, and the Directive will thus be effective from 01.09.2020 as opposed to the originally planned 01.01.2020.

In its endeavor to ensure the implementation of the Official Languages Policy, CPA has also complained against the National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA), for not taking steps to ensure that the packaging of pharmaceutical drugs conform to the Official Languages Policy. In this regard CPA has made representations to the NMRA, filed complaints to the HRCSL and filed a Fundamental Rights case [SCFR/102/16]. In a progressive development in this regard, the NMRA issued the Gazette No. 2145/01 dated 14.10.2019 (also in Sinhala and Tamil) directing that from 01.01.2020 the packing of a selected number of pharmaceutical drugs should be printed in all three languages.

Whilst these gazettes signify an important forward step in implementing the Official Language Policy and providing consumers with critical information, CPA recognizes that there is no guarantee that these bold and welcome decisions will be put into action. CPA understands that the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce (Food and Beverage Division) has informed the CAA of several practical difficulties that may arise, as a result of printing all information and instructions in all three languages. CPA also recognizes that the implementation of these directives have been delayed once already and that there is a
potential for further delay.

As such CPA calls on all stakeholders to act in a responsible manner to uphold the rights and well being of consumers. For its part CPA will continue its work undertaken over several years to monitor the practical implementation of the Official Language Policy in order to ensure these achievements are positively and formally sustained at all levels.

Read the full statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Statement on the Presidential Task Forces

June 15th 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka:

We, the undersigned from civil society express grave concern regarding the establishment of a spate of Presidential Task Forces in the last few months.

Three Task Forces were appointed by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as a response to COVID-19. One has extensive powers to direct, coordinate and monitor the delivery of continuous services for the sustenance of overall community life, another relates to Economic Revival and Poverty Eradication and one concerns Sri Lanka’s Education Affairs. Two most recently created are the Presidential Task Force to build a Secure Country, Disciplined, Virtuous and Lawful Society (established by Gazette Extraordinary no. 2178/18) and the Presidential Task Force for Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province (established by Gazette Extraordinary no. 2178/17), both dated 2nd June 2020.

These Task Forces are established with broad, ambiguous mandates, bypassing existing channels such as the Department of Archaeology, and at a time when there is no sitting Parliament that can exercise oversight in respect of their functions and the exercise of their powers. Furthermore, they were appointed at a time when the country was under a lock down due to the COVID -19 pandemic and citizens were unable to make inputs to express their concerns regarding their establishment. The exercise of extraordinary power during a crisis should be supported by strong reasons. Why matters such as archaeology and heritage were prioritised amidst an unprecedented health, economic and social crisis is cause for concern.

All the Presidential Task Forces have a compliment of military personnel while the Presidential Task Force to build a Secure Country, Disciplined, Virtuous and Lawful Society is composed entirely of persons from the armed forces and police. This further demonstrates the steady drift towards militarizing civil functions within Sri Lanka’s health and educational sectors, development, public administration and even judicial processes following the Presidential election of November 2019. This does not bode well for Sri Lanka’s long-established parliamentary democracy.

The members of the Task Forces are drawn almost entirely from the Sinhala community. Buddhist monks make up a significant portion of the Task Force for the Eastern Province, ignoring the fact that the Province is also equally populated by Tamils and Muslims. It is likely that the interests of these communities will be neglected by the Task Forces and will reflect the majoritarianism espoused by this government.

Sri Lanka’s democratic mechanisms must be made to work efficiently without politicization or resort to militarization. These new Task Forces are structures that are solely accountable to the President and are staffed, not by professional civil service personnel, with the required experience, but by security personnel with no experience in civil functions. They are expected to ‘police’ the civil service and are usurping the powers and functions of the Cabinet and Ministries, which are vital in a parliamentary democracy. Rather than these Task Forces, the Sectoral Oversight Committee system in Parliament established under the 19th Amendment and populated by Members of Parliament from all political parties is a much more independent and efficient oversight mechanism that can respond to the exigencies faced by the country at this time. It is also unclear how the work of these task forces will be financed, to what extent they will duplicate functions of ministries, and the extra
costs and expenditures that this will entail at a time when the need for cost cutting should be a primary concern of the government.

In the context of the pandemic, Sri Lanka is at the crossroads with its economy shattered and it is vital that we build confidence – both nationally and internationally – that the country will adopt rational and inclusive policies and approaches, that are transparent and credible responses to this crisis. The crisis is not an excuse for militarization and militarization is not the solution to the challenges of this crisis management. Nor is it the solution to bypass the Prime Minister and the cabinet of ministers, and the Parliament in a functioning democracy.

Signatures

Individuals

1. Amali Wedagedara
2. Amalini De Sayrah
3. Ambika Satkunanathan
4. Anithra Varia
5. Anthony Vinoth
6. Anushya Coomaraswamy
7. Bhavani Fonseka
8. Bishop Kumara Illangasinghe
9. Brito Fernando
10. C.Ranitha Gnanarajah, Attorney at Law
11. Chandra Jayaratne
12. Chandraguptha Thenuwara
13. Deanne Uyangoda
14. Deekshya Illangasinghe
15. Dinushika Dissanayake
16. Dr. Anila Dias Bandaranaike
17. Dr. Farzana Haniffa
18. Dr. Mario Gomez
19. Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
20. Dr. Sakuntala Kadirgamar
21. Dr. Visakesa Chandrasekaram
22. E.A. Dominic Premananth
23. Francis Raajan
24. Inthumathay Hariharathamotharan
25. Iromi Perera
26. Ishara Danasekara
27. Jayanthi Kuru-Utumpala
28. Joanne Senn
29. K.S.Ratnavale
30. Kandumani Lavakusarasa
31. Kumudini Samuel
32. Maithreyi Rajasingam
33. Marisa de Silva
34. Megara Tegal
35. Nalini Ratnarajah
36. Natasha Van Hoff
37. Nilshan Fonseka
38. Niranjala Arulnandhy
39. Prabodha Rathnayaka
40. Prof. Arjuna Parakrama
41. Prof. Ashwini Vasanthakumar
42. Prof. Maithree Wickramasinghe
43. Rajan Hoole
44. Ruki Fernando
45. S.C.C Elankovan
46. Sabra Zahid
47. Sandun Thudugala
48. Sanjayan Rajasingham
49. Senaka Perera
50. Sharmaine Gunaratne
51. Shreen Saroor
52. Subajini Kisho Anton, Attorney at Law
53. Subha Wijesiriwardene
54. Sudarshana Gunawardana
55. Swasthika Arulingam
56. Thyagi Ruwanpathirana
57. Uda Deshapriya
58. Uween Jayasinha, Attorney at Law
59. Varaluxmy Jeganathan

Organizations

1. Australian Advocacy for Good Governance of Sri Lanka
2. Centre for Human Rights and Development (CHRD)
3. Centre for Policy Alternatives
4. Committee for Protecting Rights of Prisoners
5. Families of the Disappeared
6. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
7. Law and Society Trust
8. People for Human Rights and Equality
9. Right to Life Human Rights Centre
10. Rights Now- Collective for Democracy
11. Transparency International Sri Lanka
12. Viluthu
13. Women and Media Collective
14. Women Development Innovators
15. Women’s Action Network

The Appointment of the two Presidential Task Forces

Sri Lanka has witnessed a spate of Presidential Task Forces in 2020. Three Task Forces were appointed by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as a response to COVID-19, another relating to poverty alleviation and one on education affairs.[1] The most recent two are the Presidential Task Force to build a Secure Country, Disciplined, Virtuous and Lawful Society (established by Gazette Extraordinary no. 2178/18) and the Presidential Task Force for Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province (established by Gazette Extraordinary no. 2178/17), both dated 2nd June 2020.

These two Task Forces are appointed at a time when Parliament has not been functioning for more than three months, contrary to mandatory provisions of the Constitution[2]. Notably, the Gazettes appointing the two Task Forces followed on the heels of the ruling by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka refusing leave to proceed to all petitioners on the subject of the dissolution of Parliament for more than three months and the holding of free and fair elections.[3] In the absence of a Parliament, there is no legislative oversight over executive action and this raises concerns regarding accountability and transparency of these Task Forces. Moreover, the composition of both these Task Forces, as is with the previous ones appointed in 2020, comprises of former and present military, law and order officials and others, with concerns raised about the creeping militarization in government and governance in Sri Lanka. With no oversight, effective checks and balances and growing reliance on military actors, the reliance of President Rajapaksa on Task Forces to govern Sri Lanka and its implications must be further studied. CPA notes that these present initiatives build on the campaign promise of President Rajapaksa prioritising discipline, stability and security. These steps, however, have serious ramifications for a free and open society and liberal democracy.[4]

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) raised initial concerns[5] with the two Task Forces and those appointed as a response to COVID19, questioning their need and legality.[6] In this short discussion paper, CPA examines the legality of the two Task Forces appointed on 2nd June, the manner in which they were established and their implications. Other concerns are also raised regarding their composition, the vires of the powers bestowed on them, and their impact on the rule of law, constitutional democracy and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. The paper is structured in a manner where legal and broader concerns are raised relevant to both the Task Forces followed by a closer examination of the purported mandate of each Task Force and related issues.

Download the full PDF in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

###

[1] Task Force to be established for poverty eradication and livelihood development, Gazette Extraordinary No. No. 2159/64, 25th January 2020, http://documents.gov.lk/files/egz/2020/1/2159-64_E.pdf;

Presidential Task Force to direct, coordinate and monitor the delivery of continuous services for the sustenance of overall community life, Gazette Extraordinary No. No. 2168/8, 26th March 2020 http://documents.gov.lk/files/egz/2020/3/2168-08_E.pdf;

Task Force for Economic Revival and Poverty Alleviation, Gazette Extraordinary No. 2172/9, 22nd April 2020, http://documents.gov.lk/files/egz/2020/4/2172-09_E.pdf;

Presidential Task Force to study and provide instructions on measures to be taken by all Armed Forces to prevent Coronavirus infection among members of the Tri-Forces, Gazette Extraordinary No. 2173/4, 27th April 2020, http://documents.gov.lk/files/egz/2020/4/2173-04_E.pdf

Task Force on Sri Lanka’s Education Affairs, Gazette Extraordinary No. 2173/7, 28th April 2020, http://documents.gov.lk/files/egz/2020/4/2173-07_E.pdf

[2] Article 10(5)(a) of the Constitution provides that – ‘A Proclamation dissolving Parliament shall fix a date or dates for the election of Members of Parliament, and shall summon the new Parliament to meet on a date not later than three months after the date of such Proclamation.’. In Sampanthan v. AG (Dissolution Judgment) SCFR 351/2018 the Supreme Court held that “…Articles 70 (2), (3), (5), (6) and (7) specify requirements placed on the President‘s

power of summoning Parliament and the instances where the President is mandatorily required to summon Parliament within specified time frames.” (at page 71). Judgement at http://www.supremecourt.lk/images/documents/sc_fr_351_2018.pdf

[3] ‘Supreme Court dismisses FR Petitions’, Daily News, 2nd June 2020, https://www.dailynews.lk/2020/06/02/law-order/219880/supreme-court-dismisses-fr-petitions

[4] ‘Sri Lanka’s Recent Political Challenges & Prospects for the Future’, Centre for Policy Alternatives, March 2020, https://www.cpalanka.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Commentary-Sri-Lanka%E2%80%99s-Recent-Political-Challenges-Prospects-for-the-Future.pdf

[5] Statement on ‘the Appointment of two Presidential Task Forces’, Centre for Policy Alternatives, 5th June 2020, https://www.cpalanka.org/the-appointment-of-two-presidential-task-forces/

[6] ‘Structures to Deal with COVID-19 in Sri Lanka: A Brief Comment on the Presidential Task Force’, Centre for Policy Alternatives, April 2020, https://www.cpalanka.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/FINAL-Presidential-Task-Force-on-COVID19-April-2020-copy.pdf.

The Appointment of Two Presidential Task Forces

5th June 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned by the appointment this week of two Presidential Task Forces by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. These appointments came soon after the Supreme Court refused leave to proceed to all petitioners on the subject of the dissolution of Parliament for more than three months and the holding of free and fair elections. At present, Parliament has been dissolved for longer than the constitutionally mandated three months. Thus there is no legislative oversight over executive action. In such a context, the appointment of the two Task Forces demonstrates troubling trends of authoritarian rule and militarization with serious implications for constitutional democracy and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. CPA flags here initial concerns regarding both these Task Forces with a longer comment to follow.

By Gazette No. 2178/18 the President appointed a Task Force to build a “virtuous, disciplined and lawful society” in Sri Lanka. It is to be headed by the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and comprises the heads of the Armed Forces, Police and Intelligence Heads, Chief of Customs and the Additional Secretary of the Ministry of Defence. Notably, the Task Force is composed of present and former military and law and order officials.

The mandate of the Task Force is vague and overbroad, terms such as “anti-social activities” have no specific legal meaning which raises the concern as to how the Task Force intends to take legal action against such activities. It is unclear as to whether the Task Force is meant to only deal with the prevention of trafficking of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances or whether it is meant to deal with a broad range of other issues. Added to the confusion is the question whether the Task Force is meant to formulate policy or if its role is to implement existing laws and policy. Moreover, regardless of its intended role, CPA finds it problematic that the Task Force is designed in a manner to operate as a parallel structure to existing entities, circumventing the role of the Cabinet of Ministers and purportedly capable of giving direct orders/ instructions to the Public Service. These issues, among several others, have extremely serious implications that require urgent attention.

In yet another development, the President has appointed by Gazette No. 2178/17 a Task Force for the Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province. The Task Force will deal with issues which have been the sources of conflict and contest for decades. This Task Force comprising two Buddhist priests, a professor of archaeology, a professor from a faculty of medicine, the Director-General of archaeology, defence and law and order officials and a head of a media institution, is a pan –Sinhala Task Force, headed too by the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence. Considering its purported mandate, it is noteworthy that the Task Force is composed only of religious clergy of one religion. At the outset this raises troubling questions as to whether the Task Force is intentionally undermining the multi ethnic identity in the province with a possible attempt to define a mono ethnic dominant narrative. CPA has previously noted attempts at colonization and land appropriation schemes in the area aimed at changing demographics with implications for electoral representation, co-existence and reconciliation. Compounded by Sri Lanka’s past, the appointment of such a Task Force raises questions of its need, intent and implications for the future.

These appointments come at a time when the executive has a free hand to “govern” without the customary checks and balances on the exercise of executive power and authority. This we firmly believe to be a basic and fundamental tenet of parliamentary democracy. Moreover, CPA’s concerns are fundamentally concentrated on the increasing practice of militarization and securitization of government and governance in Sri Lanka, where key decisions and decision making are being consolidated in the hands of retired and/or serving security force and police personnel. The concerns with the Task Forces and of the possible exacerbation of grievances and tensions, which in turn will jeopardize the prospects for reconciliation and transitional justice, which surely are priorities for post-war Sri Lanka.  We call upon the government and all political actors to consider the consequences of their actions from the perspective of the protection and promotion of liberal parliamentary democracy in our island and to act accordingly.

 

Download this statement in Sinhala and Tamil.

The need for prison reforms in Sri Lanka

The need for prison reforms has been discussed for years in Sri Lanka with very little progress. The COVID19 pandemic has renewed attention to the issue in an urgent manner. Systemic issues within prisons in Sri Lanka expose inmates and staff to heightened risks due to both the contagiousness of the virus as well as the restrictions put in place to contain its spread within the country.

Agitation due to this vulnerability and the resulting riots at the Anuradhapura prison resulted in two deaths in March 2020. Advocacy on the issue has resulted in the President appointing a committee to examine relevant issues and some small steps have been taken as of now. Most recently, a Presidential Task Force was appointed with a mandate, among other functions, to investigate and prevent any illegal and antisocial activities in and around prisons. Notably, the Presidential Task Force comprises of present and former military, intelligence and law and order officials with no representation of officials having expertise and experiencehaving worked in prisons or related issues. These recent developments highlights the importance of qualitative and quantitative research on prison conditions as well as the need to continue advocacy towards advancing the prisoners’ rights by the civil society.

Earlier in 2019, there was some discussion on prison reforms in the context of re-implementing the death penalty. While imposing the death penalty violates constitutionally recognised fundamental rights, the effective functioning of criminal justice and punishment is nevertheless crucial to uphold constitutional and human rights standards. Abolishing the death penalty will also create greater dependence on custodial sentences and therefore examining the status of prisons in Sri Lanka and the relevant framework is greatly needed. The importance of this exercise has become even more important amidst the COVID19 outbreak.

This Report by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) assesses the domestic legal, regulatory and administrative framework relevant to imprisonment as criminal punishment. The Report further discusses the goals and conditions of imprisonment and the rights of prisoners in light of international legal obligations, constitutional provisions and comparative standards. Finally, it provides recommendations for policy makers. The Report, however, is not an exhaustive study on the conditions of prisons in Sri Lanka. CPA hopes that this Report will raise awareness on key legal and policy issues that require urgent attention and facilitate taking necessary action related to the state of prisons, which require urgent attention.

Download the full PDF in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

COVID 19 Testing Report

Despite the best efforts of health workers on the frontlines in combatting the virus thus far, recent increases in the number of cases demonstrate that the public health crisis presented by COVID-19 is far from averted.

This report will illustrate the importance of high levels of testing in formulating an effective response, as we attempt to phase out of lockdown. It explores the various factors influencing the testing process in the Sri Lankan context and suggests ways that testing capacity and coverage may be increased. It will also highlight issues of confidentiality, media ethics and the use of state power with regard to testing; examining how the protection of individual rights does not hinder, but instead facilitates the achievement of positive public health outcomes.

Download the report as a PDF here.

CPA Statement on the Election Commission’s announcement setting the 20 June 2020 as the date on which parliamentary elections will be held

22nd April 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes the Election Commission’s announcement that parliamentary elections will be held on 20 June 2020. This announcement comes during a period in which the number of persons who have tested positive for Covid -19 continue to increase and the “curfew” and quarantine measures imposed by the Government continue to be operational in several parts of Sri Lanka.

The Constitution requires that Parliament be summoned three (03) months from the date on which it is dissolved. The new date set for elections by the Election Commission falls outside this time period and is clearly unconstitutional. The Constitution requires a functioning Parliament to be in place in the Republic in order to ensure the functions of Government can be carried out. The only exception to this is the period in which Parliament is dissolved for elections. However even in this exceptional situation, the Constitution makes ample provision to ensure that Parliament can be called upon to perform its functions as and when the need arises. These constitutional provisions are not an accident, they are the personification of the fundamental idea that Sri Lanka is a Constitutional Republic.

CPA is also concerned that in light of the continued global pandemic and the ground situation within Sri Lanka, there does not exist a conducive environment for the conduct of a free and fair election. Elections are a process and the right to franchise is not protected unless citizens can freely participate in the entire electoral process. As the Government’s own guidelines demonstrate, there is a need to maintain social distancing and follow precautionary measures even when the “curfew” is no longer in operation. As such there is a need for several changes to the election law, at least on a temporary basis, to deal with this reality and to ensure the citizens right to franchise is protected. These changes can only be made by Parliament and cannot be imposed by executive action.

CPA has already raised concerns regarding the absence of a functioning Parliament and highlighted the implications of this on public finance and oversight over the Government’s response to the Covid–19 pandemic. Furthermore, Parliament will have to make changes to existing laws or enact new laws in order to ensure continued economic activities in light of the challenging situation created by the Covid–19 pandemic.

In these circumstances, the course of action most consistent with the Constitution is to summon the dissolved Parliament, which can continue until the end of August 2020. CPA notes that this is also the course of action that would be most in line with protecting public health and the citizens’ right to franchise.

CPA therefore requests the President to summon the Parliament that has been dissolved in order to address these concerns and ensure that the functions of government can continue in a lawful manner and that citizens can participate in the electoral process without endangering public health.

Curfew in response to COVID-19: Legal Framework and Relevant Questions in Sri Lanka

Curfews, which are generally understood to be a government regulation requiring people to remain indoors during specified hours, are a means of restricting the fundamental freedom of free movement, in view of a greater public aim such as ensuring public health, national security, public safety and such purposes. Whilst such restrictions are permissible, they must adhere to the principles of legality and proportionality. In Sri Lanka, the power of imposing curfew has been exercised by the Executive President and the Police.

On 20th March 2020, the Government of Sri Lanka made a public announcement of imposing ‘curfew’. Whilst the reason for imposing such restrictions on movement due to the public health emergency is not questioned, the Government has failed to provide the legal framework used to provide for such ‘curfew’ and with it raising questions of its legality.[1] The following is a brief timeline relevant to the present ‘curfew’.

  • 18 March 2020 :   Police curfew in the Puttalam District and Kochchikade Police Division in Negombo until further notice.[2]
  • 19 March 2020: Police curfew in Puttalam, Chilaw, Negombo-Kochchikade to be temporarily lifted while curfew imposed within the Ja-Ela and Wattala Police Divisions.[3]
  • 20 March 2020: Island-wide curfew imposed till 23 March 2020.[4]
  • 23 March 2020: Curfew imposed in the country temporarily lifted for a period of 8 hours except for 8 districts.[5]
  • 24 March 2020: Curfew imposed in 8 districts temporarily lifted for a period of 8 hours. Colombo, Gampaha and Kalutara districts were identified as high-risk areas for COVID-19 and the curfew imposed on those districts was to be continued until further notice.[6]
  • 30 March 2020: Curfew temporarily lifted in all but 6 districts.[7]
  • 6 April 2020: Curfew temporarily lifted for 8 hours in all but 6 districts.[8]
  • 7 April 2020: President’s Media Division (PMD) announced the publishing of circular specifying new regulations for issuing curfew passes.[9][10]
  • 9 April 2020: Curfew in 19 districts temporarily lifted.[11]
  • 16 April 2020: Curfew in 19 districts temporarily lifted.[12]
  • 19 April 2020:  Government decides to relax the ongoing curfew in several districts and police divisions[13]
  • 20 April 2020:Curfew which was set to be lifted on the 22nd of April (in 4 districts) extended until the 27th of April[14].

At the time of writing this guide, the Government has announced measures to relax the ongoing ‘curfew’ in some areas[15], however, there is still no information publicly available as to the legislative framework used when imposing the said ‘curfew’. In the absence of this information, questions are raised as to whether the ‘curfew’ is legally valid. This will raise several difficulties for public officials if attempts are made to prosecute the 33,155[16]persons arrested for violating the ‘curfew’ and raise further concerns if a need arises to continue/impose curfew in the coming weeks and months.

In this guide, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) briefly examines the legal framework relating to the imposition of curfew and related questions that require attention.Whilst CPA notes that some measures are needed to combat the COVID-19 pandemic including limiting movement, it is paramount that any steps taken are in adherence to the constitutional and legal framework.

Download the guide in full as a PDF here

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[1]The press release issued by the Acting Inspector General of Police, stated that ‘Police Curfew’ has been imposed for the whole island with a view to prevent violation of provisions and regulations of the Quarantine and Prevention of Diseases Ordinance imposed for prevention of COVID19.However, the legal basis for imposition of such curfew has not been cited.

See, ‘Press Release 2020.03.20’ (Department of Government Information, 2020) <https://www.dgi.gov.lk/news/press-releases-sri-lanka?start=5> accessed 15 April 2020.

[2]‘Police Curfew To Be Imposed In Puttalam, Chilaw&Negombo-Kochchikade’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=61497> accessed 14 April 2020.

[3]‘Police Curfew In Puttalam, Chilaw, Negombo-Kochchikade To Be Temporarily Lifted’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=61526> accessed 14 April 2020.

[4]‘Island-Wide Curfew To Be Imposed Until Monday’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=61577> accessed 14 April 2020.

[5]‘Curfew Temporarily Lifted Except For 8 Districts’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=61707> accessed 14 April 2020.

[6]‘Colombo, Gampaha&Kalutara Districts Classified COVID-19 High Risk Zones; Curfew Until Further Notice’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=61771> accessed 14 April 2020.

[7]‘Curfew Temporarily Lifted In All But 6 Districts’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=62017> accessed 14 April 2020.

[8]‘Curfew In 6 Districts To Continue Until Further Notice’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=62269> accessed 14 April 2020.

[9]‘New Regulations For Issuing Curfew Passes Announced’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=62368> accessed 14 April 2020.

[10]‘Curfew_Pass_Instruction.Pdf’ (www.police.lk, 2020) <https://drive.google.com/file/d/1pctm6WXKu2FJaf7axPiQDs6KNErX4nmg/view> accessed 9 April 2020.

[11]‘Curfew In 19 Districts Temporarily Lifted’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=62420> accessed 15 April 2020.

[12]‘Curfew In 19 Districts Temporarily Relaxed Until 4Pm’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=62672> accessed 18 April 2020.

[13]‘Curfew In Several Districts And Police Areas To Be Relaxed’ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=62771> accessed 18 April 2020.

[14]In all other districts, the curfew will be effective from 8.00pm to 5.00am till Friday, the April 24th.

See,’Curfew In Colombo, Gampaha, Kalutara, Puttalam Districts Extended Till April 27′ (Adaderana.lk, 2020) <http://www.adaderana.lk/news/62818/curfew-in-colombo-gampaha-kalutara-puttalam-districts-extended-till-april-27> accessed 20 April 2020.

[15]‘Curfew Regulations Relaxed To Restore Normalcy In Civilian Life – President’s Media Division’ (President’s Media Division, 2020) <http://www.pmdnews.lk/curfew-regulations-relaxed-to-restore-normalcy-in-civilian-life/> accessed 19 April 2020.

[16] Total number of arrests made over curfew violations since 20th March 2020 (as at 6 a.m. on 19.04.2020)

See, ‘Sri Lanka : Police Arrest 1,475 People For Violating Curfew In Last 24 Hours’ (Colombopage.com, 2020) <http://www.colombopage.com/archive_20A/Apr19_1587309025CH.php> accessed 20 April 2020.

Regarding Notice Issued by the Police Media Division

7 April 2020

C.D. Wickremaratne
Acting Inspector General of Police
Police Headquarters
Colombo 1.

CC: Kamal Gunaratne, Secretary, Ministry of Defence
Chairperson, National Police Commission
Chairperson, Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka

Re: Notice Issued by the Police Media Division

On 1 April 2020 the Media Division of the Sri Lanka Police, upon the instructions of the Acting Inspector General of Police (IGP), issued a notice addressed to all media organizations that strict legal action will be taken against those who spread/share false or malicious messages, news or information.

The notice that strict action will be taken against those who ‘criticize’, point out ‘minor shortcomings/failures’ or ‘scold/chastise’ state officials performing their duties, adversely impacts on the freedom of expression, in particular the expression of dissent. This constitutionally guaranteed freedom is key to holding the state to account for its actions, and questioning the action or inaction of state officials is the civic duty of every citizen, and is fundamental to ensuring a healthy and functioning democracy. Hence, it should not be interpreted as obstructing the performance of the duties of public officials.

We recognize the need to counter the circulation of false or malicious information, and to take action against those that hinder public officials from performing their duties or threaten them. However, the notice treats criticism of state officials as amounting to obstruction of their duties and spreading disinformation. This notice amounts to an unreasonable wielding of state power, and interferes with the civic duty to call the state and its agents to account. This curtailing of freedom and abuse of power cannot be justified and plays no role in dealing with the pandemic.

Preventing the spread of COVID-19 requires transparency and the provision of timely and easily accessible information to the public to create public confidence in the state. Punitive and repressive measures that shrink the space for criticism and prevent the public from raising real concerns and holding state officials to account will in fact have the opposite result. It will instead create fear, panic and public anxiety. It also creates opportunity for mischief, and the politically motivated abuse of state power and authority.

Moreover, there is no provision in law that authorizes the arrest of those ‘criticizing’ the state. Hence, we are deeply perturbed by your instructions to the DIG of CID and all island OICs to ‘strictly use the law’ against such persons, to arrest them, produce them in court, and to take further legal action, as it could constitute extra-legal action that results in arbitrary arrest and detention.

We call upon you to revoke the said directive and use existing legal provisions to deal with any action that would constitute an offence, such as threatening state officials. In particular, we urge you to take action to the fullest extent of the law against those engaging in inciting ‘hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence’ against certain religious and ethnic communities, and blames them for increasing the spread of COVID, thereby making them vulnerable to threats, intimidation and violence.

1. Angelica Chandrasekeran
2. Anushaya Collure
3. Shalomi Daniel
4. Marisa De Silva
5. Sr. Nichola Emmanuel
6. Rev. Fr. Reid Shelton Fernando
7. Ruki Fernando
8. Rev. Fr. Terence Fernando
9. Anne-Marie Fonseka
10. Bhavani Fonseka, Centre for Policy Alternatives
11. Mike Gabriel
12. Mario Gomez
13. Shymala Gomez
14. Gehan Goonetileke
15. B. Gowthaman
16. Dr. Annahl Anbini Hoole
17. Prof. Dushyanthi Hoole
18. Elilini Hoole
19. Dr. Rajan Hoole
20. Prof. S. Ratnjeevan H. Hoole
21. Yovahn Y.R. Hoole
22. Ruwan Laknath Jayakody
23. Dr. Sepali Kottegoda, Women and Media Collective
24. Rev. Fr. Nandana Manatunga
25. Mahesh de Mel
26. Rev. Saman Perera
27. Muthulingam Periyasamy
28. Prabodha Rathnayaka AAL
29. Yamini Ravindran
30. Thyagi Ruwanpathirana
31. Dr. Athulasiri Kumara Samarakoon
32. Kumudini Samuel, Women and Media Collective
33. Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, Centre for Policy Alternatives
34. Shreen Saroor
35. Ambika Satkunanathan
36. Rev. Fr. Rohan Silva, CSR
37. Ermiza Tegal
38. Sushmitha Thayanandan
39. Sirany Thevakumar, Rights activist
40. Sandun Thudugala, Activist
41. Deanne Uyangoda
42. Senel Wanniarachchi
43. Thiyagaraja Waradas
44. Dimantha Weliange
45. Subha Wijesiriwardene
46. Deshamanya Godfrey Yogarajah

Organizations

1. Adayaalam Centre for Policy Research
2. Centre for Policy Alternatives
3. Human Rights Office, Kandy
4. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre
5. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
6. Right to Life Human Rights Centre
7. Rights Now – Collective for Democracy
8. Women’s Action Network
9. Women and Media Collective

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Download as a PDF here.

Structures to Deal with COVID-19 in Sri Lanka: A Brief Comment on the Presidential Task Force

8 April 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka: In response to the COVID-19 health emergency, Sri Lanka has witnessed the activation of existing structures and the establishment of new ones. One such new entity is the Presidential Task Force established to direct, coordinate and monitor the delivery of continuous services and for the sustenance of overall community life (‘the Task Force’). At the time of its creation, the President had already established the National Operation Centre for Prevention of COVID-19 Outbreak. However, the mandate and powers assigned to the Task Force are much wider in scope and range from ensuring the supply of essential goods and services to providing relief measures to vulnerable groups of society.

This guide prepared by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) briefly examines the framework of the Task Force. While efficient and effective action to minimise the impact of the pandemic is urgently needed, the guide points to a number of existing legal and institutional frameworks under which such action could have been taken. The Sri Lanka Disaster Management Act No.13 of 2005, in particular, provides for instances such as this and allows extensive action to be taken efficiently employing existing institutions and actors. There are additional, alternative laws under which the individual tasks assigned to the Task Force could have been carried out.

The guide also points out the vagueness of the definition of the tasks of the Task Force and whether its expansive mandate is ultra vires Article 33 of the Constitution and a number of individual written laws. This is compounded by the lack of transparency and accountability generated by these ad hoc measures. Thus, attention must be paid to querying the true intentions of establishing the Task Force.

CPA notes that in the face of the unprecedented scale and magnitude of the emergency, the response must also be one that is efficient, coordinated and in adherence to principles of conflict sensitivity, equity, transparency and accountability. As the guide highlights, Sri Lanka has a wealth of expertise and skills within the civil administration that can and must inform the present response. Most fundamentally, responses must be in conformity with Sri Lanka’s constitutional and legal framework.

Download the guide as a PDF here.

 

Disposal of bodies of deceased persons who were infected with and suspected of being infected with COVID-19

4th April 2020

H.E. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, President of the Democratic, Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka
CC:
Hon. Pavithra Waniarachchi, Minister of Health
Dr. Anil Jasinghe, Director General Health Services
Dr. Sudath Samaraweera, Chief Epidemiologist, Epidemiology Unit
Dr. Hasitha Attanayake, Director, Infectious Diseases Hospital
Dr. Ajith Tennakoon, Chief Judicial Medical Officer
Dr. Deepika Udagama, Chairperson, Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka
Dr. Razia Pendse, WHO Representative to Sri Lanka.

Your Excellency,

Disposal of bodies of deceased persons who were infected with and suspected of being infected with COVID-19

We write to you as the person leading Sri Lanka’s effort to prevent and deal with COVID-19.

We, at the outset, would like to express our gratitude to the public officials in Sri Lanka for their contribution towards preventing and dealing with COVID-19, particularly the untiring and selfless service of health sector workers.

We write with regard to the disposal of bodies of persons who died due to being infected with, and those that died who are suspected of being infected with COVID-19. We were pleased that the Ministry of Health Provisional Clinical Practice Guidelines on COVID 19 Suspected and Confirmed Patients dated 27 March 2020 allowed for burial under certain conditions, and the family of the deceased to view the body at a designated place at the hospital. We were however concerned to learn that an individual of the Muslim faith who died due to COVID-19 was cremated on 30 March 2020 in contravention of the said Ministry of Health Guidelines and against the wishes of the family.

We note that the Ministry of Health Provisional Clinical Practice Guidelines on COVID 19 Suspected and Confirmed Patients were thereafter amended and the new document dated 31 March 2020 as well as the Ministry of Health (MOH) Circular no EPID/400/2019 n-cov issued on 1 April 2020, which reproduces the amended Guidelines, require that all COVID-19 victims be cremated. We also note contradictory media reports on 2 April 2020 that Cabinet Spokesperson Bandula Gunawardena has stated that the government will adhere to WHO Guidelines in disposing the bodies of those who have died as a result of COVID- 19, as well as the appointment of an expert committee to decide on appropriate and practices to deal with the bodies of those who die due to COVOD-19.

When we face such a grave public health crisis there is a need to ensure that the mental health of our population is also given due attention. In this regard, the disposal of bodies of persons who died during the pandemic requires particular attention. In the Muslim faith it is required that the dead be buried and cremation is not permitted. The possibility of compulsory cremation therefore is a matter of great distress to practicing Muslims. In these times of distress and uncertainty this is an added stressor that may adversely impact the mental health of large numbers in the population.

At present, the religious identity of certain victims has been highlighted due to which, in both mainstream and social media, we have seen outpourings of vitriol, and hate speech against Muslims for their actions or inactions in not preventing or causing the spread of COVID-19. In this context, it is important that the decisions made regarding burial are not perceived as punitive measures against such perceived irresponsibility by infected persons. We must also recognize that there is widespread anti Muslim sentiment prevailing in Sri Lanka and has been for the past several years. The negative stereotypes about Muslims were exacerbated by the terror attacks on Easter Sunday in 2019 carried out by an ISIS inspired group of Muslims. It is important to ensure that decisions regarding matters of public health do not result in the persecution or marginalization of the Muslim population. Within such a context, we note with concern that the revised MOH Guidelines dated 31 March 2020 and the aforementioned MOH Circular disregard Muslim religious sensibilities and requirements, and provide no succor to the already distressed.

In this regard, we urge you to consider the WHO Interim Guidance dated 24 March 2020 on Infection Prevention and Control for the Safe Management of a Dead Body in the Context of COVID-19. The Guidance states that ‘cadavers do not transmit disease’ and that ‘It is a common myth that persons who have died of a communicable disease should be cremated, but this is not true. Cremation is a matter of cultural choice and available resources’. The Guidance further advises the authorities to ‘manage each situation on a case-by-case basis, balancing the rights of the family, the need to investigate the cause of death, and the risks of exposure to infection’. Where disposal is concerned, the Guidance says that ‘People who have died from COVID-19 can be buried or cremated’. We recognize that the option of burial might not be available in certain instances due to legitimate public health requirements such as the depth of graves. To address these concerns, the state could identify suitable burial grounds that meet WHO standards in all districts and request the particular community religious authorities to prepare themselves to adhere to those standards.

In seeking to ensure the well-being of all Sri Lankans at this difficult time, we highlight the need to also ensure dignity in death. In addition to the issue of Muslim and perhaps Christian burials, we have witnessed that the media is permitted to cover the cremation of those who died from COVID-19 without any consideration of the wishes of the bereaved families. While preserving the health of our population must be paramount, it must not be at the cost of our common humanity and the dignity of our dead. WHO guidelines state that, ‘The dignity of the dead, their cultural and religious traditions, and their families should be respected and protected throughout’.

Moreover, to encourage persons to report possible exposure and seek medical advice and help, we highlight the need to not stigmatize patients or criminalize them in any way, which will only lead to persons hiding their symptoms and further infecting others. It is also important to ensure there is public information in all three languages regarding the behavior required under different circumstances as well as regarding the available medical care. The availability of such information will reassure the general population that being infected with COVID-19 is not a death sentence.

We therefore urge you to reconsider the MOH Circular of 1st April 2020 and amendments dated 31 March 2020 to the MOH Provisional Clinical Practice Guidelines, and instead follow WHO Guidance on the disposal of bodies. We also call upon your Excellency to address the country’s greatly distressed Muslims and put to rest their fears that they are somehow being punished, or that the country has little respect for their concerns.

THE LIST OF SIGNATORIES

1. Dr. Asha Abeysekere
2. Hilmy Ahamed
3. Silma Ahamed
4. Azhar Ahamed
5. Nihal Ahamed
6. Prof. Arjuna Aluwihare
7. K. Aingkaran, Attorney-at-law
8. Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, Open University Of Sri Lanka
9. S.M. Aneefa
10. N. Abdul
11. Faaiz, Ameer , Attorney-at-law
12. Prof. Ameer Ali
13. Swathika Arulingam, Attorney at law
14. Niranjala Arulanathy
15. Subajini Kisho Anton, Attorney at law
16. M.M. Baheej, Attorney-at-law
17. Capt. A.G.A. Barrie, SLE, P.Eng.
18. Jiffriya Barrie
19. Faahima Cadar
20. Angelica Chandrasekeran
21. Anushya Coomaraswamy
22. Radhika Coomaraswamy
23. C. Colombage
24. Danesh Cassie Chetty
25. Shalomi Daniel
26. Amalini De Sayrah
27. Bishop Duleep de Chickera
28. Geetha de Chickera
29. Marisa De Silva
30. Shaanea Mendis de Silva, Artist
31. Dinesh Dogangoda, Attorney-at-law
32. Prabu Deepan
33. K.M.Deen, All Ceylon YMMA Conference
34. Dinushika Dissanayake
35. Asma Edris
36. S.C.C. Elankovan
37. Sarala Emmauel
38. Rev. Sister Nicola Emmanuel.
39. Mohamed Faslan, University of Colombo
40. Rashika Fazali
41. Ilma Fareez
42. Latheef Farook, Journalist
43. Rizvi Farouk
44. Khalid Farouk
45. Ian Ferdinands
46. Dr. Kaushalya Fernando
47. Dr. Nimalka Fernando, Attorney-at-law
48. Ruki Fernando
49. Tamara Fernando
50. Rev. Reid Shelton Fernando, Retired Priest, Colombo
51. Angela Forman
52. Bhavani Fonseka
53. Manel Fonseka
54. Mushtaq Fuad
55. Aneesa Firthous
56. C. Ranitha Gnanarajah Attorney -at law
57. Shyamala Gomez
58. Dr. Mario Gomez
59. Gehan Gunetilleke
60. Prof. Camena Guneratna
61. Harsha Gunasena
62. Anberiya Hanifa, Muslim Women’s Research and Action Forum
63. Dr. Farzana Haniffa, University Of Colombo
64. Sa’diya Hassen
65. Adel Hashim
66. Prof. Rajan Hoole
67. Prof. S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole
68. Prof. Qadri Ismail
69. Zumaiya Ifthikar
70. Fathima Nabeela Iqbal
71. Ashraff Jainudeen
72. U.L. Jaufer, Attorney-at-law
73. Dr. Sivagnanam Jeyasankar
74. Sr. Victorine James, Holy Cross School of health Sciences Jaffna
75. Dr. Ahilan Kadirgamar, University Of Jaffna
76. Niyanthini Kadirgamar
77. Sakuntala Kadirgamar
78. Dr. Ramya Kumar
79. Chulani Kodikara
80. Mohamed Kubais
81. Mahaluxmy Kurushanthan
82. Annie Kurian
83. Jayanthi Kuru-Utumpala
84. Shaheera Lafeer
85. Jeremy Liyanage, Bridging Lanka Ltd.
86. Ismath Majeed.
87. Jensila Majeed
88. Justice. Dr. Saleem Marsoof
89. Izath Manal
90. Mohamed Mahuruf
91. M. Meera Saibu
92. Dr. Farah Mihlar
93. Juwairia Mohideen
94. Buhari Mohamed
95. Nawaz Mohamed, Former Working Director, SLRC
96. F. Muflik
97. F. Z. Nasrullah
98. Nagulan Nesiah
99. Devanesan Nesiah, Retired Secretary, Ministry of Transport, Environment and Women’s Affairs
100. Prof. Vasuki Nesiah, New York University
101. S.M.A. Niyas
102. M.N.M. Nowras
103. Prof. Arjuna Parakrama, University Of Peradeniya
104. Nicola Perera, University Of Colombo.
105. Dylan Perera
106. Anna Peter
107. Dr. Jehan Perera, National Peace Council
108. Srinath Perera, Attorney-at-aw, United Socialist Party
109. Rev. Dr. Jayasiri Peiris, Church of Ceylon
110. Fathima Rameeza
111. Nalini Ratnaraja
112. K.S. Ratnavel, Attorney-at-law
113. Dr. Ramola Rasool, University Of Kelaniya
114. Prof. Harshana Rambukwella, Open University Of Sri Lanka
115. A.R.A. Ramees
116. Y.R. Ranjan
117. Sheila Richards
118. Ahamed Rislan
119. Yasmin Raji
120. R. Rasmin
121. Peter Rezel – Chartered Accountant
122. Amna Rifky
123. Thyagi Ruwanpathirana
124. Afrah Sidiqi
125. Vanie Simon
126. Prof. Sivamohan Sumathy, University Of Peradeniya
127. Prof. Gameela Samarasinghe, University Of Colombo.
128. Sampath Samarakoon
129. Rev. Selvanathan Selvan
130. M.N Shamla
131. Shaheed Sangani
132. Ambika Satkunanathan
133. S.Sivathasan
134. Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
135. Dr. Seyed Sheriffdeen
136. Sharmila Seyyid, Social Worker
137. Revd. S .D .P. Selvan
138. N.M. Saroor
139. Joanne Senn
140. Shreen Abdul Saroor
141. Krishanthi Tharmaraj
142. Mahendran Thiruvarangan, Lecturer (Probationary), University of Jaffna
143. Dr. Minna Thaheer, Senior Researcher, Centre for Poverty Analysis
144. Azkha Thariqshad
145. Fathima Nusra Thameem
146. Mathuri Thamilmaran – Attorney at Law
147. Visakha Tillekeratne, Chief Commissioner, Sri Lanka Girl Guides Association
148. Hafsa Uvais.
149. Mass Usuf, Attorney-at-law
150. S. Vinothan
151. Kamala Vasuki
152. Emil van der Poorten
153. Stella Victor
154. Piyumi Wattuhewa
155. Shamara Wettimuny
156. Lal Wijenayake, Attorney-at-law
157. M. Wahid
158. Varuni Weerasinghe
159. Annouchka Wijesinghe
160. Upul Kumara Wickramasinghe – Durham University
161. Riza Yahiya, Architect
162. Deshamanya Godfrey Yogarajah
163. Fr. V. Yogeswaran
164. S.A.C.M. Zuhyle

Organisations:

1. Sisterhood Initiatives
2. National Peace Council
3. Northern Muslim Civil Society
4. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre
5. Rural Development Foundation
6. International Institute for Research, Information and Action (IIRIA)
7. Mannar Women’s Development Center
8. Women’s Action Network
9. Muslim Women Development Trust
10. International Centre for Ethnic Studies (ICES)
11. Centre for Policy Alternative
12. Human Elevation Organization
13. Islamic Women’s Association for Research and Empowerment
14. Centre for Justice and Change, Trincomalee
15. Centre for Human Rights and Development
16. Eastern Social Development Foundation
17. Law and Human Rights Center, Jaffna.

Download as a PDF here.

CPA Statement on the Election Commission’s Request for a Special Reference by the President to the Supreme Court on the Law Relating to Parliamentary Elections

3rd April 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes several news reports on the Election Commission’s concerns that it will be unable to hold parliamentary elections within the time-period stipulated by law due to the Covid-19 crisis. The Commission has accordingly requested the President to seek the opinion of the Supreme Court to clarify the law in relation to the next steps in these circumstances.

CPA has already raised concerns regarding the absence of a functioning Parliament and highlighted the implications of this on public finance and oversight over the Government’s response to the Covid–19 pandemic. The course of action most consistent with the Constitution is to summon the dissolved Parliament, which can continue until the end of August 2020. CPA notes that this is also the course of action that would be most in line with protecting public health and the citizens’ right to franchise. We are therefore of the opinion that this can be done without the need for a Special Reference by the President to the Supreme Court.

If in the event H.E. the President makes a special reference to the Supreme Court in terms of Article 129 of the Constitution, CPA calls on the President to allow the Court adequate time to consider the complicated issues concerned. The prevailing restrictions on movement which should neither prevent a hearing for all stakeholders nor hinder the Court’s deliberations. Considering the public importance of the issue, CPA further calls on the President to request the Supreme Court to make its opinion public, or undertake to make the opinion public himself.

Further, CPA calls on the Hon. Chief Justice and the other Judges of the Supreme Court to use their discretion in terms of Article 129 to ensure that the proceedings of Court are open to all parties interested to make submissions to Court. In a context where the Supreme Court’s sittings have been suspended until 27th April 2020, this would require the Court to actively inform citizens of any pending proceedings.

The Pardon in the Mirusuvil Massacre: Sri Lanka’s Elusive Quest for Justice

On 26th March 2020, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa pardoned former Army Staff Sergeant R. M. Sunil Rathnayake, a convicted death row prisoner. The pardon was met with mixed reactions in Sri Lanka. At one end of the spectrum was concern and condemnation for pardoning a convicted criminal while others welcomed the pardon and for releasing a former military person. Notable is the timing of the pardon. The pardon was granted when Sri Lanka is facing an unprecedented public health emergency with Covid-19 and with focus primarily on dealing with the response and related issues. This is also in a context when civil society has called for urgent prison reforms and the Government has set up a committee to examine how to address the overcrowding and other concerns in the prisons in Sri Lanka, creating the expectation that cases involving inmates for lesser crimes or unable to pay bail will be given due attention. It was in this midst, when attempts are seemingly made to address prison reforms, that President Rajapaksa chose to keep to his earlier pledge and pardon a convicted criminal.

Download the brief in full here.

Mirusuvil Massacre – Accused Pardoned; No Reparations for Victims’ Families

On March 26, 2020, President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa granted a presidential pardon and released convicted death row prisoner and mass murderer, former Army Staff Sergeant R. M. Sunil Rathnayake.  While the country is on lockdown due to COVID-19, the President has seized this opportunity to deal a lethal blow to the rule of law to show that military perpetrators of heinous crimes will be given cover at the highest level despite the rulings of the Supreme Court the highest court in our land. In pardoning Ratnayake, the President has given his blessing to a cold-blooded killer who murdered a five-year-old child and seven other innocent civilians.

The story of the civilian murders in Mirusuvil goes back to twenty years – on December 19 2000, nine Tamils civilians – including three teenagers and a five-year old child – travelled from Udipiddy to Mirusuvil, a village 16 miles from Jaffna town, in the Northern Province of Sri Lanka. These persons were among those displaced from Mirusuvil due to the civil war who were resettled in a camp at Udupitty. Displaced family members used to obtain permission from the Sri Lankan Army to visit their homes. But on this day, those who visited their village never returned. It soon emerged that eight of the nine were killed by the Sri Lankan Army. 

On December 24, 2000, one of the missing, recounted the incident and gave details about the whereabouts of the remaining eight. On his evidence when the police and the Magistrate went to the site there were no bodies except a skeleton of the animal in the toilet pit. After that when the Military – Police arrested the persons who were on duty in  the area, Sergeant R.M. Sunil Rathnayake  gave a statement to the Military Police stating that  the bodies were removed from the toilet pit and buried somewhere else. Thereafter the Police and the Magistrate went to the site of the burial and exhumed the bodies. Four men and four children were found with throats slit and eyes blindfolded.  Some corpses had their hands and legs chopped off. 

The deceased belonged to four families.  A single family lost four members, including children aged 13 and 5.  Another lost two breadwinners.  Two more also lost primary breadwinners. 

Justice took more than a decade to wind its way but, against all odds, judgment was delivered at last. On June 24, 2015, former Army Sergeant R. M. Sunil Rathnayake who had been enlarged on bail pending trial  was found guilty of murdering the eight civilians and was sentenced to death by the Trial at Bar consisting of three High Court Judges held in Colombo. On appeal against the said judgment a five – Judge bench of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka unanimously affirmed the conviction and sentence on April 25, 2019.

By granting the presidential pardon to Sergeant R.M. Sunil Rathnayake, power has been abused and justice has been forsaken.  In a country where military perpetrators have rarely been held to account, leading ethnic distrust to fester into war, the President has granted a pardon to one of few men actually held accountable by our nation’s highest court. His pardon is a direct challenge to judicial independence and will result in the further erosion and loss of confidence in the Sri Lankan justice system among war-affected communities. 

For the four families directly affected, who have suffered from poverty and immeasurable personal loss, their small sliver of solace has been snatched away.  When the sole surviving witness was previously visited by state intelligence officers soon after the presidential election, he expressed his apprehension that, he has no security or protection if the accused is released.  Now that threat is real, and our laws and structures are hardly equipped to protect him.

It is a matter of regret and national tragedy that neither the state nor government authorities have over the years offered reparations or compensations to the families of the dead who have been deprived of their bread winners and are condemned to live in poverty for the rest of their lives.

Soon after the Presidential election, news media speculated that the Mirusuvil murderer was to be granted a presidential pardon and released. Affected families were terribly upset and lodged complaints before the Human Rights Commission in Jaffna and in the media. Right now, with the country in lock down, victims’ families are in no position to demonstrate their disapproval and distress.  While pretending to save the country from COVID-19, the President is actually using his constitutional powers to fulfill his inflammatory electoral pledge to release “war heroes” from prison.

To put it in context, the country withdrew from its UNHRC commitments last month. The President declared that there are no disappeared persons, and those believed missing are all dead. His government has promoted suspected war criminals as head of operations in military sectors, and General Shavendra Silva is touted as a savior against COVID 19. The military is increasingly involved in all civilian activities. New roadblocks and checkpoints have been introduced solely in the Northern Province.  And now a convicted mass murderer is pardoned and released by the President.

In perspective, the act of granting presidential pardon to a convicted criminal conveys the chilling message to the public that, irrespective of the gravity of the offence, offenders from the security forces will not be punished even if convicted by Court of Law and that any crime or violence committed against the ethnic communities will go unpunished. The security forces including the police already enjoying high degree of impunity will surely be further emboldened   by the covert encouragement by the government to commit further atrocities against the hapless and vulnerable people. As organizations and individuals who are committed to the Rule of Law and to the protection of democratic values, we vehemently and unreservedly condemn the presidential pardon granted to Sergeant R.M. Sunil Rathnayake which said act will undoubtedly lead to further militarization of the society and contribute to disunity and distrust among communities in the country.

Endorsed by:

  1. Centre for human Rights and Development (CHRD)
  2. Women’s Action Network (WAN)
  3. International Centre for Ethnic Studies (ICES)
  4. Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA)
  5. Human Rights Office – Kandy
  6. Human Elevation Organization (HEO)- Ampara
  7. Law and Society Trust (LST)
  8. Eastern Social Development Foundation (ESDF)
  9. Mannar Women’s Development Federation (MWDF)
  10. National Fisheries Solidarity Movement (NAFSO)
  11. Affected Women’s Forum (AWF)- Ampara
  12. Rural Development Foundation (RDF)
  13. Institute of Social Development (ISD)- Kandy
  14. Committee for the Protection of the Rights of Prisoners (CPRP)
  15. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre
  16. Federation of Media Employees’ Trade Unions
  17. Centre for Justice and Change, Trincomalee
  18. Rights Now – Collective for Democracy
  19. Right to Life Human Rights Centre
  20. Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association
  21. Movement for Land and Agriculture Reform (MONLAR)
  22. Families of the Disappeared  

Click here to download the statement in English, Sinhala, and Tamil.

Letter on Prison Reforms in the wake of COVID19

26 March 2020

To:
H.E. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka
Hon. Jayantha Jayasuriya, Chairman of the Judicial Services Commission, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka
Hon. Nimal Siripala De Silva, Minister of Justice
Mr. T. M. J. W. Thennakoon, Commissioner General of Prisons
Mr. Kalinga Indatissa PC, President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka

Copy to:
Hon. Justice B.P. Aluvihare, Judicial Services Commission, Justice of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka
Hon. Justice K. Sisira J. De Abrew, Judicial Services Commission, Justice of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka
Mr. H. S. Somaratne, Secretary of the Judicial Services Commission
Dr Deepika Udagama, Chairperson, Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka
Hon. Pavithra Wanniarachchi, Minister of Health, Nutrition and Indigenous Medicine
Mr. Dappula de Livera, Attorney General of Sri Lanka
National Police Commission of Sri Lanka

Re: Releasing Prisoners to prevent spread of COVID-19 in prisons

We welcome the announcement of the formation of a committee to discuss the release of prisoners and de-congest prisons, which is crucial to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in prisons.

Given the severe overcrowding of prisons with minimal sanitation and health facilities, they could be very vulnerable to the spread of COVID-19. They are also places where inmates are unable to practice preventive measures recommended by health experts, such as social distancing and hand washing with soap, as water and soap are not freely available to prisoners. Further, it is not possible to lockdown prisons due to the staff leaving and returning to prison. De-congestion and other measures are also important to calm the fears of prisoners and prison staff about COVID-19 infections. Such fears have led to unrests in several prisons, leading to deaths and injuries reportedly due to shooting in the Anuradhapura Remand Prison. There have also been COVID-19 related unrests and deaths in prisons in other countries, such as India, Colombia and Italy, which point to the potential for prisons to become hotbeds not only for the infection to spread but also for unrest and violence.

 

Click here to access the full letter: English | Sinhala | Tamil

 

Brief Guide I: Evolving Legal Issues in the Context of COVID-19

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has prepared this brief guide to raise several legal issues and highlight consequences in the context of Covid-19 in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has taken swift action in recent weeks to contain Covid-19 outbreak. These actions have been taken in the backdrop of Parliament being dissolved by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa on 2nd March 2020.  Whilst CPA acknowledges the work done by those in the frontlines in containing the spread of the virus, increasing concerns are raised of emerging governance and rights issues in the response to the present health emergency. This brief guide aims to constructively engage with the authorities to ensure the Government is able to deal with Covid-19 pandemic efficiently, lawfully and constitutionally. In the effort to tackle the virus, CPA underlines the importance of upholding of the rule of law and adherence to constitutional governance in Sri Lanka.

Access the full guide here. Download in Sinhala here. Download in Tamil here.

 

 

Sri Lanka’s Recent Political Challenges & Prospects for the Future

On the 25 th of April, Sri Lanka will hold elections for its next Parliament. This will be the first election after President Gotabaya Rajapaksa took office, a period in which several trends were discerned with implications for reconciliation, governance, the rule of law and security in Sri Lanka.


The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has prepared this short paper to comment on key developments in the first 100 days of the present Government, as well as their implications for governance, the rule of law, reconciliation, human rights and democracy in Sri Lanka. The paper, though not an exhaustive study, highlights key trends and examines likely scenarios in the immediate future. This includes the possibility of sweeping constitutional, legislative and policy reforms that will likely define the future trajectory of Sri Lanka’s political culture.

The full paper can be accessed here.

Launch of Frames of Power: Citizen modelling perceptions of Sri lanka’s constitution

Building on the critically acclaimed Corridors of Power project, Frames of Power is a pioneering & unique web platform for citizens to visually model & compare perceptions of constitutional power. Democratic by design, Frames of Power helps expose & explore perceptions of political power, from acceptance to resistance. 

Conceived & produced by Sanjana Hattotuwa, the Founding Editor of Groundviews and Senior Researcher at the Centre for Policy Alternatives, Frames of Power is a collaboration involving constitutional theorist Asanga Welikala & architect Channa Daswatte, both widely renowned in their respective fields of practice.

See www.framesofpower.org for more for details & to participate in the modelling.

A series of four talks will serve to launch the Frames of Power platform, on 19 and 20 February at the ICES auditorium, from 5.30 – 7.00pm. The talks are free and open to the public, though with limited seating.

On 19 February, the keynote presentation by Hon. M.A. Sumanthiran MP PC will explore the prospects of citizen-led constitutional reform juxtaposed against renewed interest in hyper-presidentialism & centralisation of political authority. Respondent Bhavani Fonseka will interrogate, accessing over 15 years of committed legal activism, links between constitutional power, subjugation of citizens & Sri Lanka’s liberal-democratic potential over next 5-10 years.

On 20 February, the keynote presentation by Channa Daswatte (one of the collaborators in the Frames of Power project) will explore the intersection of architecture, design & the role, if any, of architects in both communicating and critiquing political power through spatial design. Respondent Iromi Perera, using her significant experience of working with diverse communities displaced by insensitive urban development led by intransigent technocrats, will outline the real world impact of unbridled political authority.

Download PDF of the posters for the talks here.

Aftermath and reportage of incident involving alleged abduction of Swiss Embassy employee

11 December 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned with recent events in the aftermath of the incident in which an employee of the Embassy of Switzerland in Sri Lanka was allegedly abducted, sexually harassed, and questioned by unidentified persons regarding embassy related matters, on or about the 27th of November 2019.

Whilst it is too early to comment on official processes underway investigating these incidents, CPA is alarmed with the conduct of several media institutions, including State media and others, who have acted in a manner to deliberately reveal the identity of the alleged victim and that of her family which raises serious issues of privacy and protection. This is also a blatant violation of media ethics and disregard for the victim’s right to privacy. Section 365C of the Penal Code makes it an offence punishable with imprisonment for up to two years to print or publish the name or any matter which may make known the identity of a person who is alleged to be a victim of several offences including sexual harassment. Further, the Assistance to and Protection of Victims of Crime and Witnesses Act, No. 4 of 2015 gives victims of crime the right to be treated with equality, fairness and with respect for their dignity and privacy.

CPA urges media institutions to respect and adhere to the law and ethics, including giving due attention to victim’s rights. Continued disregard in this area raises serious concerns and will require attention and necessary action by the authorities.

CPA also notes that certain public authorities and officers holding official positions have publicly accused the alleged victim of fabricating facts, despite ongoing investigations. Such statements cloud the partiality of investigations being carried out, and CPA urges authorities to remain independent when investigations are underway and to ensure there is no interference of such processes.

Finally, CPA calls on members of the public to exercise responsibility and compassion when publishing and sharing information on social media. Our society is plagued by a high occurrence of incidents of sexual harassment, and it is important that victims are free and able to make complaints of the same without the fear of facing further harassment for doing so. Additionally, until and unless an independent investigation is carried out, the facts cannot be disproved or verified, and thus it is essential that the authorities are allowed to function without undue pressure.

Download this press release in English, Tamil, and Sinhala.

Anomalies with affidavit submitted by Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna Presidential Candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa

13 November 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) are deeply concerned with recent developments that may impact the Presidential Election due on 16th November. These stem from recent media reports that highlight to several anomalies with the affidavit submitted by Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, candidate of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, on 7th October and a subsequent and different affidavit shown by his counsel, Mr. Ali Sabry PC. Apart from the basic question as to why two distinct affidavits were produced in support of Mr. Rajapksa’s candidacy, a question is also raised as to whether Mr. Rajapaksa meets the criteria provided in the Constitution as per Articles 91 and 92 of the Constitution in terms of whether he continues to be a citizen of the United States of America. The fact that two different certificates claiming loss of nationality were publicly shared contributed to the confusion and months of debate, with no credible answers provided by the candidate or his team to quell doubt.

In addition to the above, we are also alerted to a third affidavit shared by Mr Sabry on his Facebook page which was attested by a Mr. Kularatne with no signature belonging to Mr. Rajapaksa. Whilst we are not able to comment on the authenticity of these documents, we note that all affidavits were produced by the candidate’s legal team and urges the authorities to immediately investigate the legality of these affidavits and take necessary action. This is essential in the presence of multiple documents that may mislead the voter and rob them of an informed choice. Such conduct also begs the question whether an attempt is being made to subvert the electoral process and the rule of law in Sri Lanka.

In a matter of days Sri Lanka will elect a new President and it is imperative that no doubt remains as to the eligibility of the person elected to the office of first citizen in Sri Lanka. It is also paramount that the Election Commission and other officials are independent and impartial and take all necessary steps to protect the integrity of elections.

Finally, we call for legislative reforms that provide the relevant authorities the power to verify documentation submitted by candidates and to take necessary action to prevent confusion and chaos in the future.

Download this press release as a PDF here.

Letter to Facebook: Urgent need for rollout of platform affordances for greater oversight of campaign spending

7 November 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is releasing a letter sent to Mr Senura Abeywardene, the Country Representative for Sri Lanka at Facebook, on 30 September 2019, with specific asks around ads oversight in relation to the 2019 Presidential Election.

Download the letter as a PDF here. It is also reproduced in full below. Download letter in Sinhala here.

Emails following up the letter were sent to Mr Abeywardene on 9th October and again on 25th October. Neither Mr Abeywardene nor any representative from Facebook have responded in any official capacity to the original letter or either of the two follow-up emails, to date.

In addition to the substance of the letter to Facebook, the emails, with increasing urgency, flagged the role, reach and relevance of Facebook as the single-most important platform for political communications on social media in Sri Lanka, especially leading up to the Presidential Election. Arising from this, Facebook was implored to provide election monitors, the Elections Commission as well as citizens the tools – available in other regions and countries, including India – required for rigorous oversight of campaign spending across Pages and Groups affiliated to or acting as proxies of presidential candidates.

The letter to Mr Abeywardene on 25th October followed the first study of official campaign spending on Facebook across the official pages of three leading presidential candidates. CPA is releasing this letter in light of research, publicly posted, conducted by CPA Senior Researcher Sanjana Hattotuwa clearly flagging the seed, scale and spread of political content on Facebook, as well as work by the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV), which pegs campaign spending by just the two leading candidates to be in the region of one billion rupees, just between 14 to 31 October 2019.

A chief concern of CPA is that Facebook’s oversight mechanisms for Sri Lanka’s consequential Presidential Election fall far short of what was rolled out even in India. Calls for the company to introduce the same tools and platforms for Sri Lanka have, for whatever reason, not resulted in any official response or rollout. Ironically, Facebook itself and social media writ large is rife with reports on the extremely problematic nature of political content in the campaigns, including but not limited to disinformation stoking communal tensions and more recently, attacks against members of the Election Commission, all run as ads on Facebook Pages.

The email on 9th October to Mr Abeywardene urged the company to be on the right side of history in enabling or activating tools to help stem the toxicity, disinformation and spread of false or misleading content over key Facebook products in the campaign(s) leading up to the Presidential Election, and beyond.

We are still awaiting a response on this score.

###

30 September 2019

Urgent need for rollout of platform affordances for greater oversight of campaign spending

Dear Senura,

Thank you for taking the time, with colleagues from Facebook in Delhi, to debrief me in detail around what Facebook has planned around the up-coming Presidential Election in Sri Lanka. I am glad that work with the Elections Commissions is proceeding apace, and trust that Facebook will also consult CPA and the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) with regard to voter education and other measures to strengthen electoral integrity.

As noted on the call, CMEV and CPA, along with others in Sri Lanka like Transparency International, have for years done a lot of work towards greater accountability around campaign financing. Details to this effect are on CMEV’s as well as CPA’s website, and a Google search away. Yet, tellingly, asset declarations as well as greater transparency around online campaign spending, including on Facebook, remain elusive. I have also passed on details around how one campaign, through an official Facebook page, has boosted content that was already debunked by Facebook’s own 3rd party fact-checker, AFP. This content served to incite violence and hate against the Muslim community through thinly veiled racism. Highlighting this example on Twitter led to many expressing concern that the platform needs to do more to stop this sort of content from being monetised, in violation of community guidelines as well as ad oversight guidelines. This ad is a harbinger of much more to come, and for Facebook, an urgent reminder of how much more scrutiny and oversight needs to go into the authorisation of ads.

Again, as noted on the call, Facebook also needs to more clearly and carefully define what it terms as a ‘political ad’ or ‘political content’ especially in the context of an electoral campaign, and ads that will taken out in Sri Lanka at this time.

I also wanted to reiterate the need to, on an urgent basis, make available in Sri Lanka, the Ads Library Report, https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/report/. This is available for India, and has led to important articles like https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/elections/lok- sabha/india/political-ad-spend-on-facebook-crosses-rs-10-cr-bjp-supporters-continue-to- lead/articleshow/68761641.cms?from=mdr to be published. On the call, a colleague from Facebook noted that the only roll-out planned at present is the release of the Facebook Ad Library, https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/?active_status=all&ad_type=political_and_issue_ads&country =ALL.

This is, however, is both entirely inadequate and unhelpful.

I see no valid reason for Facebook to treat Sri Lanka’s Presidential Election any differently than the Indian Lok Sabha election, and thus, make available in Sri Lanka the same oversight and resources that were rapidly iterated for India. As noted on the call, the fundamental difference between the two platforms is that while the Ad Library gives details about a specific public page or ad, the Ads Library Report gives a snapshot of spending by parties, politicians and sectors, at a glance, with exact amounts spent. This is urgently required for Sri Lanka, and will both vastly and concrete aid the work of journalists and civil society in the country, even without enabling legislation, to keep tabs on Facebook campaign spending – and for the first time in the country’s electoral history.

Without a more public, careful definition of what for the company ‘political content’ means, the greater oversight of boosted and monetised content and the availability of the Ads Library Report, Facebook risks the weaponisation of platform in the lead up to and after the Presidential Election in a manner that civil society cannot scrutinise, election monitors cannot study and the Elections Commission cannot oversee.

I trust the company will urgently look into these recommendations, informed by key insights from the doctoral study into Facebook weaponisation and content dynamics at scale, as well as the experience of working with CMEV / CPA on elections violence monitoring for over a decade.

Best regards,

Sanjana Hattotuwa
Senior Researcher
Founding Editor, Groundviews.org

CC: Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, Executive Director, Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA)

CPA calls for urgent action to address recent events in Mullaitivu District

30 September 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply troubled by the recent incidents in the Mullaitivu District around the disputed land between a Neeraviyadi Pillaiyar Kovil and Mullaitivu Gurukanda Purana Rajamaha Viharaya, that is illustrative of the fault lines of conflict in post war Sri Lanka. The incident speaks to multiple issues of concern, ranging from the undermining of the rule of law to militarisation and competing land claims to ethno-religious tensions, and highlight the fragile peace that is under severe strain by nationalist forces. Considering what transpired and its implications for the rule of law and peace in Sri Lanka, CPA urges authorities to take all necessary steps to hold all those who acted in violation of a court order to account. Similarly, others who supported and/or are complicit must also be held to account.

According to media reports, the incident occurred when attempts were made to cremate Colomba Medhalankarakitti Thero, who resided in the Mullaitivu Gurukanda Purana Rajamaha Viharaya on land claimed to belong to the Neeraviyadi Pillaiyar Kovil. Locals and the Kovil Trustees protested this move, with the matter being taken to the Mullaitivu Magistrates Court with a court order issued preventing the cremation on the said land. Despite the court order and in direct violation of it, the cremation took place on the land claimed to belong to the Kovil on 23rd September 2019 with video footage showing Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero and other monks leading the proceedings. Reports also indicate the tacit support of the police and military who failed to prevent the violation of the court order and the alleged assault of an Attorney-at-Law.

Gnanasara Thero has a history of incendiary conduct and has on more than one occasion been summoned before various Courts. The Thero was convicted by the Court of Appeal in August 2018 for contempt of Court for disrupting the functions of the Homagama Magistrate Court and threatening judicial officers and witnesses. However, in May 2019 he was given a presidential pardon. CPA is presently in court challenging the constitutionality of the pardon. The present instance is the latest in a series of incidents where Gnansara Thero has demonstrated his complete disregard for the law and contempt towards court and judicial officials. It is imperative that the Attorney General’s Department, the Police and the Judiciary take all measures to hold to account Gnansara Thero and all others involved in violating the court order.

Furthermore, the present incident occurs against the background of other contentious issues of militarisation, land occupation, competing land claims and allegations of changing ethnic demographics in post war Sri Lanka. CPA has for over two decades highlighted the complexity and contestation of land issues and its implications for reconciliation. Despite some limited gains since 2015, there continue to be challenges in fully implementing the Constitutional framework and formulating a transparent and inclusive Government plan to resolve land issues in the North and East. CPA reiterates calls for the authorities, political leaders, military and other stakeholders to revisit this issue without any further delay.

There are no quick fixes for these decades old problems which are further complicated by conflicts and by the post war government policy. These are further compounded by the uncertainty created in the wake of the Easter Sunday attacks, the resulting communal violence and Presidential elections to be held in November this year. It is in a context of heightened political, religious and ethnic sensitivities that the authorities need to take decisive steps to reinforce the rule of law and end the culture of impunity. Inaction at this moment will not only commend brutish behaviour and exacerbate the culture of impunity. It will also sow the seeds of future conflict and further imperil ethnic relations in Sri Lanka.

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Download PDF of this statement in English here. Download in Tamil here. Download in Sinhala here.

CPA Statement in Response to Supreme Court Reference 01/2019

23rd August 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu made submissions to the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka during proceedings today (23rd August 2019) on the questions posed by President Maithripala Sirisena in terms of Article 129(1) of the Constitution. In his Reference to the Supreme Court (SC/Ref/01/2019), President Sirisena requested the Court’s opinion on whether Provincial Council elections could be held under the new election law introduced by the Provincial Councils Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 17 of 2017 or whether the elections could be held under the old election law which existed before September 2017 baswed on section 6(2) of the Interpretation Ordinance.

In their written submissions dated 21st August 2019, CPA and its Executive Director took up the basic positions that:

  • A delay in any election is a violation of the Sovereignty of the People as recognised by Article 3 of the Constitution;
  • In light of the Review Committee failing to submit its report to the President in accordance with sections 3A (13) & (14) of the Provincial Councils Elections Act, No. 2 of 1988 (as amended), the President is empowered to issue a proclamation publishing the Report of the Delimitation Committee submitted to the Minister Assigned the subject of Provincial Councils;
  • The Review Committee is not as legitimate as the Delimitation Committee and the Delimitation Commission in terms of being independent, nonpartisan and representing Sri Lankan society as required by the delimitation process;
  • The Supreme Court should direct the President to issue such a proclamation immediately and direct that elections for the relevant Provincial Councils should be held without any further delay.
  • Section 6(2) of the Interpretation Ordinance is irrelevant/does not apply to the present circumstances.

CPA also urged the Supreme Court to be mindful that Provincial Council Elections could be used as a tool to delay Presidential Elections due later this year. Therefore, CPA requested the Court to make it clear to all stakeholders that all elections must take place at the time prescribed by law and that delay in any election is a violation of the Sovereignty of the People and the Constitution itself.

This reference comes in the wake of several manoeuvres by the government, with the support of the President, to postpone Provincial Council elections. In August 2017, CPA, its Executive Director and several other individuals challenged an attempt by the government to amend the Constitution in order to hold elections for all Provincial Councils on the same day on the basis that the government did not follow the correct procedure to amend the Constitution and because such an amendment would result in delaying elections. In determining that case, the Supreme Court unequivocally reaffirmed the position that delaying elections was a violation of the Sovereignty of the People. CPA also raised serious concerns about the rushed and non-transparent process followed by the government to enact Provincial Councils Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 17 of 2017. Due to the changes introduced by this Act, the Election Commission has been unable to conduct Provincial Council elections for the respective Provincial Councils as and when they became due. Accordingly, the terms of office of eight of the nine Provincial Councils have lapsed.

Since September 2017, CPA and other civil society organisations have continuously engaged with all relevant political actors to ensure that timely elections take place. However despite political rhetoric, neither Parliament nor the President have taken any meaningful steps to create an environment in which elections can take place. Whilst action by Parliament would have been preferable, it has not been forthcoming and there does not appear to be any political will to hold Provincial Council elections any time soon. CPA is thus engaging with the Reference before the Supreme Court in support of holding Provincial Council elections without any further delay, while also ensuring that Presidential Elections are held in a timely manner.

Download this statement in English here.

See CPA’s written submission here.

Concerns over the appointment of Major General Shavendra Silva as the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army and the need for urgent reforms

19th August 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned by President Maithripala Sirisena’s  appointment of Major General Shavendra Silva as the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) and urges the Government of Sri Lanka to take immediate steps to review this appointment in light of the serious allegations levelled against Major General Silva. In January of this year, CPA raised similar concerns when Major General Silva was appointed the Chief of Staff of the SLA.  We are disappointed that the present Government, which committed itself to security sector reforms and accountability, has taken no action to address these concerns. Today’s appointment is in effect a repudiation of the promised reforms. It demonstrates a clear disregard for human rights norms, and will facilitate the further entrenchment of impunity in Sri Lanka.

Major General Silva was the Commanding Officer of the 58th Division of the SLA during the last stages of the war. Several public documents have levelled allegations against him of violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and International Human Rights Law (IHRL). These include:

  • In 2011, the United Nations Panel of Experts (POE) named Major General Silva in their report with a recommendation for further independent investigations of violations committed during the war.
  • In 2012, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights informed the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) that “there is at the very least the appearance of a case of international crimes to answer by Mr. Silva.
  • Again in 2012, Major General Silva was removed from the UN Special Advisory Group on Peace Keeping Operations due to allegations levelled against his conduct during the final phase of the war.
  • In 2015, the report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL) documented several violations linked to Major General Silva and the 58th Division amounting to war crimes. These include intentional and indiscriminate attacks against civil populations in Killinochchi, Puthukkudiyiruppu (PTK), Putumattalan, Mullivaikkal and other areas that resulted in extensive civilian casualties and extensive damage to civilian objects. Evidence shows attacks on hospitals, No Fire Zones, UN bases and other areas comprising civilians, especially women, children and the elderly. The OISL report also examines the issue of surrenders including the high profile ‘white flag’ incident.
  • Also in 2015, the Paranagama Commission, which was appointed by the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa, referred to the ‘white flag’ surrenders and other cases and noted credible allegations of war crimes that required independent investigations.
  • In March 2019, the report of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights raised concerns over the appointment of Major General Silva as Chief of Staff of the SLA, due to documented allegations of rights violations by troops under his command.

The above are a glimpse into the serious allegations levelled against Major General Silva. Despite their gravity, these allegations have not been properly investigated by either the previous or current Government. In fact, Major General Silva’s series of promotions demonstrates how these alleged violations appear to be rewarded. This also stands against the background of the Government’s own commitments made on security sector reforms and accountability, as part of UNHRC Resolution 30/1.

These issues are further compounded when considering the new security challenges Sri Lanka faces following the Easter Sunday attacks, a decade on from the end of the war. CPA notes that the on-going proceedings before the Select Committee of Parliament to look into these attacks of 21st April 2019, demonstrates the need for urgent reforms in the security and intelligence sector. The appointment of Major General Silva to the senior most position in the SLA whilst facing serious allegations, is unlikely to instil public confidence in the genuineness of the Government’s commitment to initiating the necessary reforms and to addressing impunity.

In such a context, whilst urging the Government to review the present appointment, CPA also urges the relevant Parliament Sectoral Oversight Committees to take a more robust role in monitoring the work of Major General Silva and the SLA and to take action to prevent Sri Lanka from sliding further towards a state where human rights violations are ignored and impunity thrives.

 

Download this statement in English, Tamil and Sinhala

 

 

RTI Commission ruling: CPA request on persons sentenced to the death penalty

In an urgent Appeal hearing today relating to a right to information (RTI) request filed by CPA, the RTI Commission ordered the Prisons Department to release details of persons convicted for drug-related crimes and sentenced to the death penalty.

CPA had originally filed the request with the Ministry of Justice and Prison Reforms, requesting the details of the persons convicted of drug related crimes on whom the death penalty can be imposed which the Ministry was reported to have forwarded to the President in February 2019. The request was initially refused by the Ministry and CPA had appealed onwards to the RTI Commission. When it was reported on June 26th that the President had signed the death warrants of four prisoners, CPA requested the RTI Commission to expedite its Appeal as the request now concerned the life and liberty of a citizen, as per section 25(3) of the RTI Act. The RTI Commission agreed and heard CPA’s Appeal alongside several other Appeals for similar information on July 2nd and today.

At the hearing today, both the Prisons Department and the Ministry of Justice and Prison Reforms complied with the RTI Commission’s directive to release the requested information. Both public authorities also gave public undertakings that they had not received any signed death warrants from the President.

The RTI Commission also set an Appeal hearing date for September in relation to an Appeal on a request filed by CPA to the Presidential Secretariat requesting the details of the four prisoners whose death warrants have reportedly been signed by the President.

Letter to MPs: Need For Legislative Reforms to Prevent the Execution of the Death Penalty

July 2nd 2019: CPA sent letters to all 225 Members of Parliament, urging them on the need for legislative reforms in the criminal justice system in Sri Lanka including the need to abolish the death penalty from all existing statutes.

The letter reads as follows:

President Maithripala Sirisena on 26th June 2019 commented of having signed four warrants to
execute inmates who are currently on death row. No details have been shared publicly on the
identity of the four individuals. The death penalty was not implemented in Sri Lanka since 1976 and
a moratorium for 43years is currently in force.

Since 2007 the UN General Assembly has adopted seven resolutions calling for the establishment of
a “moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty” with Sri Lanka having
voted in favour of five of these resolutions, including most recently in December 2018. The
resuming of executions would, therefore, go against the position taken by Sri Lanka in the
international fora over the years. This is also in a context where a majority of countries have
abolished the death penalty in their respective contexts and there is a decrease of executions
carried out globally. Therefore, to revive the death penalty would be against this global human
rights trend. Further, it is now established that drug-related offences are not considered as ‘most
serious crimes’ under Article 6(2) of the ICCPR.

At the practical level, there is no evidence to demonstrate that the death penalty is a deterrence to
crime. It must also be noted in a country like Sri Lanka with prevalent impunity, corruption and
problems in the criminal justice, the possibility of an innocent person being convicted is extremely
high with the potential for a miscarriage of justice. As you are aware, the implementation of the
death penalty is irreversible and in the event of a miscarriage of justice may lead to a cruel and
inhuman degrading punishment and irreparable harm.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) writes to you in the context of urgent legislative reforms
needed in the criminal justice system in Sri Lanka including the need to abolish the death penalty
from all existing statutes. Such a measure would ensure there is no miscarriage of justice and that
one single individual does not have the power to decide on life and death. We urge you as a
representative of the people to take this critical step to prevent an irreparable and irrevocable step
that can lead to taking the life of an individual. We also request you to explore the urgent need to
initiate criminal justice reforms including introducing reforms to address delays in the system and
structural reforms. Some of these issues have already been explored by the Parliament Sectoral
Committee on Legal Affairs (Anti-Corruption) and Media as well as other initiatives. CPA is also able
to assist if additional information is required and we look forward to engaging in this regard.

 

Download this letter in English, Sinhala, and Tamil.

Centre for Policy Alternatives v Attorney General ( SC FR 273 / 2019)

01st July 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers challenging the President’s act of signing the death warrant of four persons convicted of drug-related offences.

CPA notes that it has long been recognised that hanging by death is a cruel and inhuman form of punishment, not befitting a multi religious and civilised society. Though convicts have been sentenced to death, the long recognised practice in Sri Lanka for over 43 years has been that they were not executed.

CPA reiterates that the implementation of death penalty at this juncture is a violation of fundamental rights guaranteed under Article 11[Freedom from torture] and under Article 12(1) [ All persons are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection before the law] of the Constitution

CPA’s statement on the resuming of the death penalty can be found here.

CPA Statement on the Resuming of the Death Penalty

27th June 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply alarmed by President Maithripala Sirisena’s comments made on 26th June 2019 on signing the death warrants of four persons convicted of drug-related offences; advocating the repeal of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution; attacking the Parliament Select Committee probing the Easter Sunday attacks; and attacking NGOs, among others. All these comments require urgent attention considering their impact on democracy, governance and security in Sri Lanka, and CPA will provide specific comment on each in future, but at the present moment it focuses on the most urgent matter—resuming the death penalty—which is reported to be imminent.

At the outset, CPA notes that resuming the death penalty goes against decades of Sri Lanka’s domestic and international policy practice. Sri Lanka has maintained a de facto moratorium on the death penalty since 1976. The secretive nature in which the process is being carried out is also extremely concerning as none of the details of who is to be executed, the exact crimes they were convicted of and the date they will be executed have been made public.

Resuming the death penalty goes against a rapidly accelerating global trend towards its abolishment. Since 1976, when Sri Lanka’s last execution was carried out, 87 countries have abolished the death penalty completely, and today more than two-thirds of the world’s countries have abolished it in law or practice. Additionally, there is growing international recognition that harsh, punitive measures are ineffective at addressing drug-related social issues, which is driving the adoption of rehabilitation and decriminalisation measures instead. Resuming the death penalty for drug-related crimes would therefore make Sri Lanka an outlier among strong international consensus.

CPA also notes that Sri Lanka is obliged under international law to refrain from carrying out the death penalty. Sri Lanka is a signatory to the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which both stress the right to life and oblige states to impose the death penalty in only the most exceptional circumstances for the most serious crimes. The UN Human Rights Committee, which interprets the ICCPR, has repeatedly held that drug offences do not meet the threshold of “most serious crimes”. Further, in 2007, 2008, 2010, 2016 and 2018, Sri Lanka voted for UN General Assembly Resolutions in support of the moratorium on the use of the death penalty.

Morally, the use of the death penalty speaks to the kind of society a country aspires to have. All the major religions practiced in Sri Lanka are founded on principles of non-violence. The re-imposition of the death penalty is a clear violation of these principles. While CPA recognises that the criminal justice system should reproach persons who have committed and are convicted of offences, it also stresses that mistakes can be made in even a perfect legal system. The unique significance of the death penalty as a criminal punishment is its irreversible nature. There are countless examples from around the world where persons sentenced to death have been found not guilty of the crimes they were charged with. The possibility of causing the deaths of innocent persons is a heavy burden for a country to have on its conscience.

CPA calls upon President Sirisena to immediately halt plans of carrying out the death penalty. We also urge the Parliament of Sri Lanka to initiate urgent reforms to repeal the death penalty, a power no one person should possess in a constitutional democracy based on the rule of law. Finally, we call upon fellow citizens and others to publicly condemn the imposing of the death penalty and to agitate on the need for urgent reforms.

 

Download this statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

 

Centre for Policy Alternatives v Attorney General ( SC FR 256/ 2019)

20th of June 2019: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers challenging the Presidential Pardon of Gnanasara Thero who was convicted for contempt of court by the Court of Appeal on 8th August 2018. He was sentenced to 19 years of rigorous imprisonment to be completed within 6 years.

CPA notes that the Constitution does not permit the President to act in a manner that undermines and erodes the independence of the judiciary in exercising his right to pardon under Article 34 of the Constitution. Further. after the Nineteenth (19th) Amendment to the Constitution came greater accountability as President’s action (except for the exercise of power to declare war and peace) is reviewable by way of the fundamental rights application before the Supreme Court.

CPA reiterates that grant of pardon for Gnanasara Thero for contempt of court frustrates the power of the judiciary to maintain its authority and upholds its dignity and the rule of law. It is submitted that therefore, that fundamental rights guaranteed under Article 12(1) [ All persons are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection before the law] has been violated.

[Update – 04 October 2023]
The Supreme Court, today, granted leave to proceed in a Fundamental Rights Application filed by CPA and it’s Executive Director Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, (SC FR 256/2019), challenging the granting of a Presidential Pardon to Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero, by the then President Maithripala Sirisena.

Leave was granted under Article 12(1) of the Constitution, and the Respondents were directed to file several documents which were sought by the Petitiones.

The case is to be argued on the 6th of May 2024.

CPA’s Statement on the Presidential Pardon of Gnanasara Thero can be accessed here

 

The Time is Now | දැන් කාලය ඇවිත් | தற்பொழுது காலம் உருவாகியுள்ளது

A media campaign was launched in June 2019, addressing the need for reflection as we mark ten years since the end of the war, in the aftermath of the Easter Sunday attacks and the violence that has followed.

Trilingual videos are embedded below.

 


The Time is Now

Sri Lanka and its people have suffered through decades of violence, and continue to do so. Over 70 years after independence, ten years on from the end of the war, and as the country undergoes another period of crisis, this is a time to remember and reflect, in the hope that we never have to experience such violence again.

 


දැන් කාලය ඇවිත්

ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය හේතුකොටගෙන දශක ගණනාවක් පුරා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සහ එහි පුරවැසියන් දුක් විඳ ඇත. නිදහසින් පසු වසර 70කට වැඩි කාලයක්ද, යුද්ධයේ අවසානයෙන් පසු වසර දහයකට වැඩි කාලයක්ද, වර්තමානයේ රට මුහුණ දී ඇති අර්බුදකාරී තත්ත්වය යටතේද , එය නැවත සිහිපත් කිරීම සහ මෙනෙහි කිරීමටත් , එවැනි ප්‍රචණ්ඩකාරී වාතාවරණයක් නැවත ඇති නොවන බවට බලාපොරොත්තු දල්වා ගැනීමටත් කාලය එළැඹ තිබේ.

 


தற்பொழுது காலம் உருவாகியுள்ளது

வன்முறையினை காரணமாகக் கொண்டு இலங்கை தேசமும் அதன் மக்களும் பல தசாப்தங்களாக பல்வேறு இன்னல்களுக்கு ஆளாகியுள்ளார்கள். சுதந்திரத்தின் பின்னர் 7௦ வருடங்களாகியும், யுத்தம் முடிவடைந்து 10 வருடங்களாகியும் தற்பொழுது நாடு எதிர்நோக்கியுள்ள நெருக்கடி நிலைமையின் கீழ் அதனை மீள நினைவுபடுத்துவதற்கும், இது போன்ற வன்முறைகள் மீண்டுமொருமுறை உருவாகாமல் இருப்பது தொடர்பில் சிந்திப்பதற்கும், செயல்படுவதற்குமான காலம் உருவாகியுள்ளது.

Centre for Policy Alternatives v Attorney General (SC FR 199/2019)

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers challenging some of the Regulations included in the Emergency (Miscellaneous Provisions and Powers) Regulation No. 1 of 2019.

It must be noted that this is not a challenge of the Declaration of a State of Emergency, but rather some of the Regulations which are found in Gazette Extraordinary No. 2120/5 dated Monday April 22, 2019.

While CPA agrees that certain emergency measures are needed to combat security threats that the country is currently facing, the position it takes is that such Regulations must be reasonable, and proportionate to the means that they seek to achieve, especially when they have the effect of curtailing the Fundamental Rights of the citizens of the country.

It is submitted that some of the Regulations in effect violate the right guaranteed under Articles 4(c) [judicial power of the peope], Article 10 [freedom of thought], Article 11 [ freedom from torture] ,Article 12(1)  [equal protection of the law]) & Article 12 (2)  [non-discrimination], Article 13 [ freedom from arbitrary arrest, detention and punishment] and 14 (1) (g) [freedom to engage in a lawful occupation, profession]  &14 (1)  (h) [ freedom  of movement and choosing residence within Sri Lanka] of the Constitution.

CPA Statement on the Presidential Pardon of Gnanasara Thero

24th May 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka – The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) expresses its deep shock and concern over the Presidential pardon of Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero, who was released from prison on 23rd May 2019. The pardon raises a number of pressing questions which the President and the government are obliged to answer.

Gnanasara Thero was convicted of four contempt of court charges by the Court of Appeal on 8th August 2018 and sentenced to 19 years of rigorous imprisonment to be completed within 6 years. The conviction and sentencing was premised on the Thero’s behaviour within court premises which was judged to have been beyond the respectful behaviour expected of ordinary citizens before the courts.

CPA stresses that presidential pardons exist to correct miscarriages of justice and are to be exercised with extreme caution and gravity. The pardon of Gnanasara Thero cannot be called a fit and proper exercise of that power by any metric. The trial, conviction and sentencing of the Thero raised no legitimate questions of any miscarriage of justice and there was ample opportunity for the Thero to fully exercise his right to a fair trial by appealing his conviction. Indeed this option was pursued by him at both the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court which both duly dismissed the appeals. As such, the pardon itself amounts to an undue interference with the legal process.

The pardon raises a number of very serious concerns. First, it legitimises the view that it is possible to act with contempt for the judiciary, be punished through a legitimate judicial process, and then enjoy impunity through a pardon granted on political considerations. The pardon specifically signals that some categories of citizens, such as the Buddhist clergy, can expect to enjoy preferential treatment when it comes to obeying the law. It also sets a dangerous precedent whereby properly tried, convicted and sentenced persons can be released on the whims of the President and government.

Second, the pardon comes amidst the ongoing and extremely tense situation in the country. It has been a mere week since extremist Sinhala Buddhist mobs instigated anti-Muslim riots across North Western Sri Lanka, resulting in the death of one Muslim man and the damage to a large number of Muslim residences, businesses and places of worship. Gnanasara Thero has played a documented role in the past as Secretary of the Bodu Bala Sena in expressing hate speech and inciting violence towards minority communities, particularly Muslim Sri Lankans. The pardon, however indirectly, represents a worrying endorsement of such anti-minority sentiment, and can only heighten the anxiety and fear being felt by Muslim Sri Lankans today.

The responsibility for interfering with the rule of law and endorsing anti-minority sentiment in this manner lies not only with the President but the wider government as well. The Minister of Buddha Sasana Gamini Jayawickrama earlier endorsed requests by religious and political third parties to issue the pardon, and numerous members of the government have spoken out and acted in support of it. Accordingly, the government as a whole must justify, with stated reasons, why the grant of a pardon in this case will not be inconsistent with the Constitution, the rule of law, and the administration of justice in Sri Lanka and will not exacerbate inter-communal tensions. Anything less will directly undermine the legitimacy of Sri Lanka’s democracy.

 

Download this statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

 

CPA Press Statement on Incidents of Communal Violence in May 2019

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is alarmed by the increased spate of communal violence against the Muslim community since the Easter Sunday attacks of 21 April 2019. Recent and ongoing incidents in Negombo, Chilaw, Kurunagala, Kuliyapitiya, Hettipola, Dummalasuriya, Rasnayakapura, Kobeigane, Bingiriya among others indicate that Muslim homes, businesses and places of worship are being targeted by violent individuals and groups, with incidents reported also during curfew hours. This violence is encouraged by the viral circulation of video clips and posts inciting violence against the Muslim community.

CPA is also concerned about reports indicating inaction and/or delays in response to this violence by the security authorities, an unfortunate trend which has repeatedly been witnessed in the past. CPA urges the authorities to take immediate proactive action to bring the security situation under control and to prevent the violence from spreading.

Steps also need to be urgently taken to ensure authorities respond in a timely and effective manner to the incidents within the existing legal framework. Inaction and/or unwillingness to prosecute any person for inciting racial and religious hatred have exacerbated a culture of impunity and must not be taken lightly. An inability or unwillingness to prevent the spread of violence must also be followed by the resignation of those responsible or steps taken to remove such officials as provided by the law. CPA is also troubled by reports of political interference in criminal justice processes which must be swiftly dealt with by the authorities without any fear or favour. Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country where all citizens are equal before the law. Our political and religious leaders must ensure we respect our diversity and ensure that all steps are taken to prevent the spread of violence, address apprehension within communities and promote peace and coexistence.

Download statement in Sinhala here.

 

Understanding Emergency: Easter Sunday Attacks 2019

The Easter Sunday attacks in Sri Lanka were the worst incidence of terrorism since the end of the war a decade ago. Four days after the main events, the aftershocks of the attack have still not subsided and the country has not returned to normalcy. In order to deal with the situation, the President proclaimed a state of emergency and promulgated a set of emergency regulations on 23 and 24 April. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) fully appreciates the need for a robust and compelling response from the government in the face of terrorism, so as to reassure and restore public confidence in institutions and a swift return to political, economic, and social normalcy.

At moments like these, however, there is a danger of executive overreach, as demonstrated by our own past experience of protracted conflict, and that of other countries facing the threat of terrorism. While constitutional democracies accommodate the need for expanded executive powers in order to cope with emergencies, and accordingly the need for some regulated abridgement of individual liberties and normal checks and balances, it is critical to ensure that emergency powers are not allowed to completely extinguish the balance between freedom and security.

In particular, in equipping the state with adequate powers to respond to the threat of terrorism, we emphasise that the following points require serious attention if this is to be done consistently with the democratic values underpinning our Constitution:

  • That no ethnic or religious minority is alienated and marginalised through indiscriminate association with any terror groups in conflict with the state, and ensuring proactive measures to maintain communal harmony and safety;
  • That the exercise of emergency powers does not exceed the limits of the law and the Constitution, which limits have been expanded by the declaration of a state of emergency;
  • That emergency powers lawfully exercised have the effect of restricting fundamental rights only to the extent permitted by the Constitution and strictly necessary in a democratic society;
  • That administrative safeguards are in place to prevent or minimise arbitrary, unreasonable, or disproportionate practices, and in particular safeguards against the use of torture or other inhumane treatment;
  • That attempts are not made to evade necessary judicial and parliamentary oversight over the exercise of emergency powers; and
  • That all emergency measures are consistent with Sri Lanka’s obligations under international law, and in particular the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

Judged against these constitutional standards, the emergency regulations passed yesterday give cause for concern. In the scope of offences and penalties, the extraordinary powers adversely affecting personal liberty and property, the potential for the imposition of undue and illegitimate restrictions on the freedoms of expression and assembly, and in the absence of effective oversight mechanisms, the regulations can be seen as pushing the boundaries of what is constitutionally permissible. We earnestly hope therefore that these powers are exercised with prudence and restraint, and that the current state of emergency is terminated as soon as exigencies permit.

Download a more detailed description of the contents of the current emergency regulations as well as the general legal framework governing states of emergency.

Download a full set of infographics in a high-quality PDF.

Download this document in Tamil here.

Download this document in Sinhala here.

CPA strongly condemns the violence in churches and hotels across Sri Lanka

21st April 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) vehemently condemns today’s attacks on three churches, three hotels and other locations across Sri Lanka that resulted in over 200 deaths and left over 450 injured. This shocking and senseless attack is the largest witnessed in post-war Sri Lanka. CPA extends its deep condolences to the families and loved ones of all victims of these attacks and urges the authorities to take immediate action to prevent such violence from spreading. Furthermore, we call upon those in authority to take speedy and decisive steps to hold all perpetrators to account without fear or favour.

CPA has continuously condemned the impunity that has prevailed following attacks on places of religious worship and affronts to the freedom of religion, which have been increasing in number in recent years. The most recent of these was a mere week ago, with the attack on the Methodist Prayer Centre in ​​Kundichchaankulama, Anuradhapura, on the 14th of April 2019. CPA calls on the government to ensure that this impunity does not continue following today’s attacks, and emphasises the need to protect the rights and safety of all religious minorities in the island.

The attack on hotels is clearly a horrific and premeditated attack on tourism in particular and the economy in general. Moreover it goes to the heart of the ability of the government to provide security to the people.  We call upon the government to demonstrate its ability to do so and upon our fellow citizens to assist the government in this.

Today’s incidents demonstrate the urgent need to move from the rhetoric of reforms and reconciliation to real action. We must desist from actions that lead to communal divisions, fear and hate. And we must ask for nothing less from our political and religious leaders, especially in this election year.

Download the statement in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

Proposed Counter Terrorism Act: Questions and Answers

The proposed Counter-Terrorism Act (CTA) was approved by Cabinet on 11 September 2018 and tabled in Parliament on 9 October 2018. This short document prepared by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) attempts to address frequently asked questions on the CTA and compliments previous documents on the same issue.

Initial statement made by CPA on the bill can be found here

CPA filed papers on the 17th of October 2018 intervening in one of the petitions challenging the proposed Counter Terrorism Bill.

CPA report comparing the Proposed Counter Terrorism Bill to the Prevention of Terrorism Act can be found here.

Download the Q&A in English here and Tamil here, and Sinhala here.

 

The Need for Accountability in Sri Lanka’s Criminal Justice System: A Glance at Seven Emblematic Cases

This report examines seven emblematic cases to evaluate the levels of accountability in the prosecution of cases of human rights violations within Sri Lanka’s criminal justice system. The report is structured in three parts. First, it establishes several recurrent trends causing system failures and exacerbating the culture of impunity in Sri Lanka that the selected cases demonstrate. Second, it makes recommendations for structural and legal reforms in order to address these trends to multiple stakeholders. The final part of the report is a presentation of the seven selected cases analysed in detail, laying out the timelines of the incidents and the investigation and prosecution processes.

All the cases discussed in this report have undergone initial investigations but have stalled at different times due to different reasons. The cases also span a variety of differing circumstances: cases that have gone through previous state investigations and state initiatives with international involvement (Trinco Five and ACF cases); cases involving media personnel in both the North and South of Sri Lanka (Nimalarajan and Wickrematunge cases); cases where direct allegations have been made about the involvement of the armed forces (Trinco Five, ACF and Missing Eleven cases); and cases occurring following the war (Eknaligoda case).

Whilst some progress has been made with some investigations as a result of early reforms introduced by the present government, CPA stresses that much more is required. In the absence of progress with the accountability mechanism as committed to in Resolutions 30/1 and 34/1, CPA urges authorities to take immediate steps with regard to initiating structural and legal reforms necessary to address cases of grave human rights violations within the criminal justice system. CPA also notes that the call for these reforms is in no way a message to delay action with commitments made in 30/1 and 34/1 and that structural and legal reforms proposed here complement other recommendations CPA has proposed in connection with 30/1 and 34/1.

Download the report in English here, and Tamil here. Sinhala translations will follow.

 

Values and Attitudes Survey on 70 Years of Independence in Sri Lanka

This study aims to capture public opinion on areas pertaining to governance, democracy, political ideology, international relations, peace and reconciliation – following 70 years’ of Independence in Sri Lanka. In particular, the youth vote and the extent to which there is a democratic deficit between this sector and their electoral representatives. The overarching idea of the survey is to map out what Sri Lanka may look like once it celebrates 100 years of independence with the millennials in charge of government and governance.

Since 1948 Sri Lanka, considered to be one of Asia’s oldest democracies, carved its own path towards nation building – experiencing many achievements as well as many trials in the process. On the one hand, the country managed to maintain relatively high social indicators, especially in comparison to its South Asian neighbours, whilst on the other, it suffered civil unrest (the Southern Marxist resurrection) and a protracted civil conflict (ethnic conflict between the State and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) that lasted nearly three decades. Despite an end to the civil conflict in May 2009, the country still struggles to find a lasting solution to the long years of suffering and destruction.

Although Sri Lanka celebrates a completion of 70 years’ of independence, it is evident that the country continues to attract ethnic politics, which in turn results in sporadic violence within communities. Despite experiencing an uninterrupted democratic history with regular elections involving a wide participation among citizens, the attraction for authoritarian leadership does not seem to have faded away. Although there have been numerous attempts of reforming the country’s constitution- these efforts have subsequently failed. The Sri Lankan society continues to experience a rapid transformation as a result of globalisation, emerging global and regional powers, and various other political and economic realities. The current behaviour as well as the policies advocated by political parties do not appear to be strong enough to address the deepening challenges faced by contemporary Sri Lanka.

It is in this context that this survey was conducted to assess the opinion of the citizens of Sri Lanka, and their stance on key issues related to democracy and governance. As such, this study intends on enhancing ongoing political debate by influencing policy makers to understand the different dynamics prevalent among various groups, thereby helping people of authority advocate suitable policy reform. In addition, this study provides a snapshot of the attitudes and perception of the public at a time when the country contemplates the drafting of a new constitution. This top-line report of the study shares the findings of the survey in a descriptive form, in order to invite multiple interpretations from various stakeholders. Social Indicator aims to produce its full report with expert analysis and interpretations in the months to come.

Download the topline report in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Concerns around and challenges arising from Facebook’s communications policy in Sri Lanka

28 January 2019, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes with concern the coverage afforded to a meeting with senior Facebook officials, including Ankhi Das[1], the Public Policy Director for India, South & Central Asia, and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Photos of the meeting included what appeared to be the exchange of gifts[2]. The meeting itself was reportedly anchored to “cybersecurity, accessible market space for Small and Medium Scale Enterprises (SMEs) and the increasing circulation of fake news”. Less publicised was a tweet by UNP MP Harsha de Silva highlighting that the delegation had also met with UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, with similar topics of discussion, and noting that meetings were scheduled with Mahinda Rajapaksa and President Maithripala Sirisena[3].

In March 2018, after Facebook and associated apps were blocked in Sri Lanka following the unprecedented anti-Muslim violence in and around Digana, Kandy, Facebook officials met with officials from the Presidential Secretariat, including Austin Fernando, the then Secretary to the President. In both the Sinhala and English press releases issued by the Presidential Secretariat after the meeting, it was noted that defamation, regulatory mechanisms and surveillance were discussed at the meeting as issues the government was working on. The wording in the press releases, in both Sinhala and English, is vague. It raised the fear that under the guise of measures to control the spread of hate and violence over social media, the government is actually interested in more censorious regulations and draconian oversight of content on social media.

Flowing from this, of significant and growing concern is the fact that in March 2018 and again last week, Facebook did not issue any press release or statement around the meetings, in line with what CPA is informed is corporate policy. There are many reasons to be worried. Successive governments in Sri Lanka have sought – through laws and regulations or far more violent, brutish methods – to control, contain and censor media and content production critical of public officials and policies.

During the political coup instigated by President Sirisena late 2018, the official website of the Prime Minister was wiped cleaned and replaced with a single photo of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa within a day of his unconstitutional appointment. A significant amount of malevolent misinformation was brazenly produced and disseminated by official government accounts, including, astonishingly, by staff attached to the Presidential Secretariat[4]. It was the office of the President that had requested the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (TRC) to block Lanka E News, a website extremely critical of the incumbent. In fact, of over a dozen websites blocked by the TRC, at least four requests to do so had come from the Presidential Secretariat[5].

Also, during the constitutional coup, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, his Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) party, MPs aligned to him, his son Namal Rajapaksa, other well-known and much feared family members and a coordinated cacophony of trolls, cyborg accounts as well as vociferous supporters used Facebook and other social media to amplify racism, justify unconstitutional appointments and produce misinformation at heightened speed, scope and scale.

Combined, President Sirisena and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s social media accounts were the greatest threats to constitutional rule and democracy during the constitutional coup, and indeed, remain so. To then witness Facebook sitting in on discussions around “fake news” and cybersecurity led by these actors is quite extraordinary. It is as farcical as imagining the company pictured exchanging gifts with the Russian political leadership after a meeting on misinformation or electoral integrity, and then allowing the Kremlin to issue a press release that defined what the meeting was about. In Sri Lanka, the company’s enduring silence gives rise to significant fears of compliance, connivance or complicity.

CPA recognises that meetings with government officials are inevitable in light of how inextricably entwined Facebook apps and services are in Sri Lanka’s socio-political and economic fabric. There is no rolling-back this. Facebook’s platforms and apps are now the primary vectors of news and information dissemination by far, in the country where content discussed or shared first on social media, shapes the news agenda and framing of print as well as electronic mainstream media.

Our concern is anchored to the company policy which maintains complete secrecy and silence around meetings with senior political leaders – from any party and especially those who clearly are chief architects of or condone misinformation, violence and censorship. Facebook’s investments on, interest in and engagement with Sri Lanka’s complex social media dynamics is new. Significant progress over 2018 risks being completely undermined if the company aligns itself with the worst abusers of the platform in Sri Lanka, as a consequence of myopic media and corporate policies.

 

Related press releases issued by CPA

Related research by CPA


 

[1] https://www.linkedin.com/in/ankhi-das-34bb6a14/?originalSubdomain=in

[2] https://twitter.com/PresRajapaksa/status/1087746418087886849

[3] https://twitter.com/HarshadeSilvaMP/status/1087769591768641536

[4] https://twitter.com/groundviews/status/1065317875915739136?s=19

[5] https://groundviews.org/2018/04/11/lanka-e-news-blocked-on-order-from-presidents-office-rti-reveals/

 

Download a PDF of this release here.

Constitutional Crisis: Questions and Answers II

The Centre for Policy Alternatives has prepared this short guide to answer some further questions that have arisen in the public debate about the constitutional crisis in Sri Lanka. See the previous set of Questions and Answers here.

  1. What was the Supreme Court’s decision on November 13th?

When the President issued a gazette on November 9th containing a Proclamation dissolving Parliament and calling for a General Election, a number of parties made fundamental rights petitions to the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of that decision.

On November 13, the Supreme Court issued something called a Stay Order on that gazette. The Stay Order suspends the effect of the gazette until December 7th. The Supreme Court also issued an Interim Order to the Election Commission to prevent it from making any election preparations, also until December 7.

Finally, the Supreme Court granted leave to proceed to all the petitioners. This means that they can now make their arguments before the Court.

 

  1. What will happen next with the case?

The petitioners will now get to argue their case before the Supreme Court on December 4th, 5th and 6th. The respondents in the case, which include the Attorney General appearing for the President and the Election Commission, will also get to make submissions. After this, the Court will make its Determination on whether or not the President’s gazette is constitutional or not. It must do so within two months, however, since the last date for argument is followed immediately by the expiry of the Stay Order on the gazette and the Interim Order to the Election Commission (December 6th and 7th), it is likely the Court’s Determination will come immediately thereafter.

If the Court decides the President’s gazette notification is unconstitutional, then Parliament remains undissolved and the election cannot happen. If the Court decides it is constitutional, then Parliament is dissolved and the election can go ahead. A new date for the election will have to be fixed given its suspension due to the case.

 

  1. Which gazettes issued by the President are now operational?
  • Extraordinary Gazette No. 2095/50 issued on November 4th – reconvening Parliament on November 14 (cancelling the previous Extraordinary Gazette No. 2094/45 issued on October 27th which prorogued Parliament until November 16th)
  • Extraordinary Gazette No. 2096/17 issued on November 5th – bringing the Police from under the Ministry of Law & Order to under the Ministry of Defence and thus the President’s purview; and assigning 42 departments, statutory institutions and State corporations to the Finance Ministry
  • Extraordinary Gazette No. 2094/43 issued on October 26th – removing Ranil Wickremesinghe from the office of the Prime Minister
  • Extraordinary Gazette No. 2094/44 issued on October 26th – appointing Mahinda Rajapaksa to the office of the Prime Minister

 

  1. What are the Standing Orders of Parliament?

The Standing Orders of Parliament prescribe the rules for Parliament and its MPs to function in an orderly manner. Article 74 of the Constitution empowers Parliament to adopt Standing Orders to regulate itself. They contain rules for matters such as the election of various positions in Parliament, voting procedures, rules of debate, guidelines for the business of the various Parliamentary committees and procedures for impeaching or removing various officials.

The Standing Orders are adopted at the start of each newly elected Parliament or whenever the Committee on Standing Orders prepares a new revision. The current Standing Orders were adopted by Parliament and came into effect on April 15th, 2018. The Speaker, through the assistance of the Secretary-General of Parliament, gives assistance to MPs on the correct interpretation and application of the Standing Orders.

 

  1. What does a suspension of Standing Orders in Parliament mean?

Standing Order No. 135 provides that the Standing Orders can be suspended anytime through a motion made by any MP and a majority of MPs voting for it. Standing Orders are suspended to enable any special business to be considered.

Unless proposed by a Cabinet Minister, a motion to suspend the Standing Orders must be decided by a division. A division is a way for a vote to be taken. Under Standing Order No. 47(2) a division can be by any of the following methods chosen by the Speaker:

  • counting MPs rising in their places for or against a motion;
  • using the electronic vote recorder;
  • the Secretary General of Parliament asking each MP separately how they wish to vote and recording those votes.

 

  1. What is a no confidence motion?

A no confidence motion is a motion in Parliament against a Government. If the no confidence motion passes by a majority of MPs voting for it, then that means the Government no longer has the support or “confidence” of the Parliament.

Our constitution does not explicitly provide for a no confidence motion against the Prime Minister, but it does against the Government as a whole under Article 48(2) of the Constitution. Any MP can bring a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet of Ministers.

If a no confidence motion is successful, the Cabinet of Ministers is dissolved, and unless the President has dissolved Parliament as well, he may appoint a new Prime Minister and Cabinet of Ministers under Article 48(2) of the Constitution. This means the President can appoint a new Prime Minister who is in his opinion most likely to command the confidence of Parliament under Article 42(4).

 

  1. How is a no confidence motion voted on?

Neither the Constitution nor the Standing Orders provide instructions on how a no confidence motion can be voted on. However, a no confidence motion would generally be considered a special business of Parliament, therefore first the Standing Orders would need to be suspended (see question 5 above) and then the no confidence motion made.

Article 72(1) of the Constitution provides a general instruction on voting saying that any question proposed in Parliament can be decided by a majority of all MPs present and voting. How the vote is conducted is up to the Speaker under Standing Order No. 47. It may be taken by voice; or by division if any MP requests it, which means through a count of MPs rising for or against the motion; through electronic voting; or by asking each MP individually (see question 5 above).

 

  1. What happened in Parliament on November 14?
  • Parliament convened at 10.00 a.m. on November 14th in terms of the Gazette Extraordinary No 2095/50 issued by the President on November 4th
  • As reported by multiple media reports and as per the statement released by the Speaker’s office, TNA MP Hon. M.A Sumanthiran moved for a motion to suspend Standing Orders.
  • Thereafter, the Standing Orders were suspended after a majority of MPs voted in favour of the suspension.
  • Then JVP MP Hon. Anura Kumara Dissanayake moved a no confidence motion against the Government. This was then seconded by JVP MP Hon. Vijitha Herath.
  • It was further proposed that the no-confidence motion should be taken up on the day itself (14th November 2018).
  • After the Speaker of Parliament Karu Jayasuriya permitted the vote of no confidence to be debated, Parliament erupted in to chaos prompting the Speaker to take an oral vote (as provided for by Standing Order No. 47)
  • Accordingly, after a majority of MPs voted in favour of the no confidence motion it was announced by the Speaker that the no confidence motion was passed with a majority.
  • Lakshman Kiriella then proposed for the Parliament to be adjourned (as stated in Standing Order No 15) until 10.00 a.m. on November 15th with the approval of the Parliament.

 

  1. What is the effect of what happened in Parliament today?

Since a no confidence motion was carried out successfully, the Cabinet of Ministers headed by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa can now be considered to be dissolved under Article 48(2) of the Constitution.

The Speaker announced that he will forward the no confidence motion, Parliament’s decision on the motion as well a copy of the letter signed by 122 MPs to the effect that the Prime Minister and the Cabinet of Ministers appointed by the President recently are unconstitutional, to the President to “take appropriate action according to the Constitution”.

The President is able therefore appoint a Prime Minister and Cabinet of Ministers under Article 48(2) of the Constitution who is in his opinion most likely to command the confidence of Parliament under Article 42(4).

The President, however, has responded to the Speaker on November 14 itself stating that the Speaker has ignored the Constitution, the Standing Orders and Parliamentary conventions with his actions on the day. The President cites that there is no Parliamentary convention requiring a Prime Minister or a Government to show a majority. He also rejects the letter signed by 122 MPs due to it not being appropriately certified by Parliament.

 

Download this as a PDF here.

 

CPA Statement on the Supreme Court’s Interim Order Staying the Purported Dissolution of Parliament

13 November 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) warmly welcomes the Supreme Court’s decision today to stay the proclamation dissolving Parliament made by the President on 9 November 2018, until 7 December. The Court also granted leave to proceed on a number of fundamental rights applications including those by CPA and its Executive Director, Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu. CPA is the only civil society organisation to petition the Court against the President’s purported dissolution of Parliament, which we have clearly maintained is illegal and unconstitutional from the beginning. We look forward to pursuing this argument before the Court at the full hearing set for early December.

In granting interim relief in the form of staying the impugned dissolution, the Supreme Court bench comprising Chief Justice Nalin Perera, Justice Priyantha Jayawardana, and Justice Prasanna Jayawardana, have acted to uphold constitutional due process in what was a rapidly deteriorating situation. It is a welcome intervention that will strengthen the prospects of a resolution to Sri Lanka’s current constitutional crisis. We commend the Supreme Court for strongly signalling its commitment to judicial independence, democracy, fundamental rights, the rule of law, and the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

Download this release as a PDF in English and Sinhala.

See the interim order granted in the CPA case here.

Executive Director Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu speaks outside the Supreme Court soon after the decision is given.

CPA Statement on the Presidential Proclamation Dissolving Parliament and Calling for Elections

November 12th 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is alarmed by the continuous and gratuitous undermining of the Constitution of Sri Lanka by President Maithripala Sirisena which has resulted in an unprecedented constitutional crisis since October 26. The most recent development occurred on November 9 when President Sirisena issued a Proclamation (Gazette Extraordinary 2096/70) purportedly dissolving the Eighth Parliament and fixing for a General Election on January 5, 2019.

CPA categorically opposes this move as it is unconstitutional and ultra vires and accordingly filed papers today, November 12, 2018, on behalf of itself and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, seeking the annulment of this Proclamation.

CPA’s position is firm. Article 70(1) of the Constitution of Sri Lanka read with Articles 33(2)(c) make it crystal clear that the President only has the power to dissolve Parliament once four years and six months have elapsed since the first sitting of the current Parliament, or if two thirds of Members of Parliament pass a resolution requesting dissolution. Since neither of these two conditions have been met, the President’s Proclamation is invalid.

The Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution was enacted in 2015 on the basis of key promises made by President Sirisena and his coalition government to curb the powers of the Executive. Article 70 was one such provision and removed the President’s power to unilaterally dissolve Parliament. The Nineteenth Amendment was enacted to restore and introduce checks, balances and safeguards to prevent one arm of government from being able to halt or stifle the functioning of another. This is a fundamental feature of our democracy and President Sirisena’s actions represent a flagrant attempt by the Executive to suppress the functioning of Parliament. The legal position, together with the political impetus behind the Nineteenth Amendment, leaves no room for doubt that his present actions are legally, politically and morally invalid.

The unilateral dissolution of Parliament and calling for elections in an unconstitutional manner only exacerbates the uncertainty of recent weeks when a myriad of issues, including the legality of the new Government President Sirisena has appointed, remain unresolved. In the immediate context, this has unnecessarily caused great uncertainty to Sri Lankans and put them at risk of potential political violence amid escalating turmoil. In broader context, it has been a reprehensible violation of the very principles of democratic accountability President Sirisena campaigned for and was elected on. On both these accounts, CPA calls on all Sri Lankans to stand firm against these blatant and dangerous abuses of power, and to demand and insist on their democratic rights and upholding of the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

Download the petition for this case here.

Download this release as a PDF in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

See CPA’s initial statement on the constitutional crisis here.

Constitutional Crisis: Questions and Answers

 The Centre for Policy Alternatives has prepared this short guide to answer some questions that have arisen in the public debate about the constitutional crisis in Sri Lanka.

  1. What is the prorogation of Parliament?

To prorogue Parliament means to prolong it, or to put it off for a later day. It is basically a temporary recess of Parliament. Parliament ordinarily functions over a series of sitting days which make up what is called a session; when Parliament is prorogued, a session comes to an end. A prorogation is different to an adjournment, which is a break between two sitting days. Parliament has been prorogued on several occasions in the past, most recently between 12 April and 8 May this year.

  1. What happens when Parliament is prorogued?

The effect of a prorogation is to suspend, but not end, all existing parliamentary business and all proceedings (except for impeachments, see question 11 below). During a prorogation the Speaker continues to function and MPs continue to be MPs even though there are no meetings of Parliament.

During the period Parliament is prorogued, all the Committees for Special Purposes – for example, the Committee on Public Enterprise (COPE) and the Committee on Public Finance (CPF) – cease to function and must be reconstituted at the next session (as per Standing Orders of Parliament No. 114). But the Select Committees, the Sectoral Oversight Committees, and the Committee on High Posts continue to function during a prorogation (as per Standing Orders of Parliament Nos. 109, 111(2) and 124(5)).

  1. What happens when a prorogation ends?

Parliament reconvenes under a new session. All pending parliamentary business and all proceedings can recommence from the stage they were at once the new session begins as per Article 70(4) of the Constitution. All items of business which were in the Order Paper of Parliament will need to be re-listed if Parliament wishes to continue with them.

  1. Who has the power to prorogue Parliament?

The President has the power to prorogue Parliament under Articles 33(2)(c) and 70(1) of the Constitution. He does this by way of a Proclamation, which should also state the date for the next session of Parliament. This next session cannot be more than two months after the date the Proclamation was issued.

  1. Who has the power to end a prorogation of Parliament?

The prorogation will come to an end on the date stated in the Proclamation, when the next session commences. Under Article 70(3) of the Constitution, the President also has the power to summon Parliament on a sooner date by way of another Proclamation, but that Proclamation has to be issued at least three days before the sooner date.

There is past precedent in Sri Lanka, however, for the Speaker to step in to end a prorogation. This happened in 2003 when Parliament was prorogued by President Chandrika Kumaratunga and the Speaker Joseph Michael Perera reconvened it on the request of a majority of MPs. The Speaker then stated that when the President uses prorogation powers, it must be done in consultation with Parliament and that one arm of government (i.e. the executive) cannot suppress another (i.e. the legislature) using prorogation.

  1. What is the difference between prorogation and dissolution?

A dissolution is the permanent ending of a Parliament, while a prorogation is a temporary suspension of a Parliament. The dissolution of Parliament is the dispersal of its MPs for the purpose of a General Election. Under Article 70 of the Constitution, the President can dissolve Parliament using a Proclamation which must state the date of the General Election for MPs, and a date for the new Parliament to meet. However, the President cannot dissolve Parliament during the first four and a half years of its five year term, unless Parliament requests the President to do so by a resolution passed by a two-thirds majority.

A Parliament does not reconvene once it has been dissolved, unless in the case of an emergency as per Article 70(7). All existing parliamentary business and proceedings are terminated when it is dissolved. This is different to a prorogation where Parliament reconvenes after the prorogation period has passed and previously existing parliamentary business and proceedings can resume.

  1. When can Parliament be dissolved and what is the process for dissolution?

Under Article 70(1) of the Constitution, Parliament can be dissolved by the President four years and six months after its first sitting (that is, on 1 March 2020 for the current Parliament) or if two thirds of MPs vote on a resolution requesting the President to dissolve it. Five years passing from the date of its first sitting (that is, 1 September 2020 for the current Parliament) also operates as a dissolution of Parliament under Article 62(2).

  1. What is a no confidence motion?

A no confidence motion is a motion in Parliament against a Government. If the no confidence motion passes by a majority of MPs voting for it, then that means the Government no longer has the support, or “confidence”, of the Parliament.

Our constitution does not explicitly provide for a no confidence motion against the Prime Minister, but it does against the Government as a whole under Article 48(2) of the Constitution. Any MP can bring a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet of Ministers and a majority of all MPs present and voting is required for it to pass (as per Article 72(1)).

  1. What happens to the PM if a no confidence motion is successful?

If a no confidence motion is successful, the Cabinet of Ministers is dissolved, and unless the President has dissolved Parliament as well, he may appoint a new Prime Minister and Cabinet of Ministers under Article 48(2) of the Constitution. This means the President can appoint a new Prime Minister who is in his opinion most likely to command the confidence of Parliament under Article 42(4).

  1. What happens if no one person commands a majority in Parliament?

This possibility is not provided for in the Constitution. Practically, this will only become an issue if a successful no confidence motion is brought against a Cabinet of Ministers appointed by the President, and a new Cabinet of Ministers appointed thereafter also has a successful no confidence motion brought against it.

Under this scenario, Parliament can be dissolved if four years and six months have passed since its first meeting or if two thirds of MPs request it (see question 7 above). If this does not happen, then parties would have to figure out a coalition which commands a majority in Parliament.

  1. Is there any other way the Government can be defeated in Parliament?

Under Article 48(2) of the Constitution, the Cabinet of Ministers is also dissolved if Parliament rejects the Statement of Government Policy or the Appropriation Bill (i.e. the Budget). If this happens, the President can appoint a new Prime Minister similar to after a successful no confidence motion.

  1. What is the Vote on Accounts (Mini Budget)?

If a general election has been called and a new Parliament has not been elected as yet, or when a new government has just been sworn in and they have had no time to present a proper budget, a Vote on Account may be presented. A Vote on Account is a limited budget where Parliament only passes funds for ongoing projects and services essential to the community. The Vote on Account is approved without a vote being called for.

  1. What is an impeachment motion?

Impeachment is the process that takes place when a resolution is brought against the President by an MP to determine whether the President should be removed from office for being permanently incapable of discharging the functions of his office for mental or physical infirmity, or for being guilty of: violating the Constitution, treason, bribery, misconduct or corruption, or any offence involving “moral turpitude”.

  1. How does the impeachment process work?

Article 38(2) of the Constitution lays down the impeachment process:

  • A MP must bring a Resolution citing the grounds for impeachment to the Speaker.
  • If the Resolution is signed by two thirds of MPs, or half of MPs and the Speaker agrees the allegations merit an inquiry, then it is placed on Parliament’s order paper.
  • If two thirds of MPs vote for the Resolution, the Speaker refers it to the Supreme Court.
  • The Supreme Court then conducts an Inquiry. The President has the right to appear and be heard. After the Inquiry, the Supreme Court submits its determination to Parliament.
  • If the Supreme Court finds that the allegations in the Resolution have merit, then a further resolution supported by two thirds of MPs will remove the President from office.

Download this as a PDF here.

CPA Statement on the Current Constitutional Crisis

October 29th 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) condemns in the strongest possible terms the attempt by President Maithripala Sirisena to purportedly remove Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe from office and appoint Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister instead. We firmly believe that these acts are unconstitutional and illegal, and wholly lacking in democratic legitimacy.

The Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution (2015) took away the power previously held by the President to dismiss the Prime Minister. This is the effect of Articles 42(4), 46(2), and 48 of the Constitution. While the President retains the ceremonial task of appointing the Prime Minister in terms of Article 42(4), this is not a subjective decision or power of the President, and he only act under this provision subject to the confidence of Parliament in the Prime Minister. The circumstances in which the Prime Minister ceases to hold office, on the other hand, are now specifically and formally set out in the Constitution. Unless the Prime Minister ceases to function in office by death, resignation, or by ceasing to a Member of Parliament, the only other way in which the Prime Minister can be removed is if the Prime Minister loses the confidence of Parliament, expressed through a defeat on the Statement of Government Policy, the Appropriations Bill, or through a motion of no-confidence as per Article 48(2). The House has not expressed its loss of confidence in Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, the necessary conditional precedent, prior to his purported removal by the President on 26th October 2018.

We firmly reject the argument that the effect of the withdrawal from the National Government, as defined in Article 46(5), of the Constitution by the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) means that the Cabinet of Ministers is dissolved and the serving Prime Minister ceases to hold office. The underlying rationale of Article 48(1), on which this argument is based, is to dissolve the Cabinet when the Prime Minister ceases to hold office, and not the reverse. If the purported removal of the Prime Minister is unlawful, then there can also be no dissolution of the Cabinet.

The lack of legality and legitimacy in the presidential actions of Friday evening, which seem to have been planned secretively and executed with a suddenness that took the entire country by surprise and disbelief, is exacerbated by the President’s prorogation of Parliament. Only Parliament has the constitutional authority to determine the continuation in office of the Prime Minister, or a change of Prime Ministers. By its prorogation, the country cannot resolve the unprecedented constitutional crisis into which it has been plunged, and it fundamentally calls into question the democratic legitimacy of the President’s purported appointment of a new Prime Minister.

The current constitutional crisis is unprecedented in that Sri Lanka has never had the legality and legitimacy of its government called into question in this way. We regret and deplore the course of action that has resulted in this unnecessary crisis and democratic backsliding. It is astonishing and disappointing that a President elected with a mandate to strengthen constitutional democracy, the Rule of Law, and good governance has chosen this course.

CPA therefore reiterates its unequivocal condemnation of the unconstitutional attempt at a transfer of power, and urges the reconvening of Parliament immediately in order that it may decide the matter conclusively.

Finally, we are also gravely concerned with the ensuing violence that resulted in the first casualty this weekend. With the crisis continuing into its third day, genuine fears point to an escalation of violence if the crisis is not swiftly addressed. It is paramount the present crisis is resolved immediately in order to prevent political violence and protect the lives of all citizens.

Download the statement as a PDF in English and Sinhala. Tamil version will be available soon.

Paradise Lost? Preliminary Notes on a Constitutional Coup

Asanga Welikala

There were three dramatic announcements on the evening of Friday 26th October 2018 from the Presidential Secretariat, which occurred in the following order: (a) the announcement of the withdrawal of the UPFA from the government; (b) the swearing-in of Mahinda Rajapaksa before President Maithripala Sirisena as the Prime Minister; and (c) the announcement that the President has informed Ranil Wickremesinghe in writing that he has been removed from the office of Prime Minister under Article 42(4).

Even if the legality of the procedure and the clarity and meaning of the relevant constitutional provisions can be debated, the fact that the event was planned in complete secrecy, with no consultation of Parliament or giving the serving Prime Minister and Cabinet the courtesy of even a short prior intimation before the course of action was made public, that it was suddenly carried out on a Friday evening, and that it has taken the country by total surprise, point to some extremely questionable motives.

Indeed, the whole set of circumstances suggest not the way a change of government ought to occur in a democracy, but the sharp practices associated with a constitutional coup, which is likely to lead to a constitutional crisis. It is a constitutional coup because the serving Prime Minister has not legally ceased to function in office before a new Prime Minister has been appointed. And it will lead to an unprecedented constitutional crisis because there are now two competing Prime Ministers and their parties jostling for power, authority, and legitimacy at the very heart of the state. Until one of these persons – Mahinda Rajapaksa or Ranil Wickremesinghe – can demonstrate that he has the confidence of Parliament through the support of a majority of MPs, and force the President to accept the will of Parliament, the crisis will not be resolved. Only time will tell what long-term damage this does to Sri Lanka’s constitutional fabric.

After the Nineteenth Amendment was enacted in 2015, the Prime Minister can only cease to hold office by death, resignation, by ceasing to be a Member of Parliament, or if the government as a whole has lost the confidence of Parliament by a defeat on the throne speech, the budget, or a vote of no-confidence (Articles 46(2) and 48). Since the Constitution after the Nineteenth Amendment specifies these ways in which the Prime Minister ceases to hold office, and has impliedly removed the previous power of the President to remove the Prime Minister at will, it follows that there are no other ways in which this can happen. In particular, the President can only appoint another Prime Minister where the serving Prime Minister has lost office in any one of these ways.

It is clear that the serving Prime Minister has not ceased to hold office in any one of these ways. Rather, the President has purportedly removed the Prime Minister from office by acting under the provisions of Article 42(4), which states that the President shall appoint as Prime Minister the Member of Parliament, who, in the President’s opinion, is most likely to command the confidence of Parliament. The President seems to have taken these words rather too literally than is constitutionally permissible. When this provision speaks of the President’s opinion, it contemplates not the subjective and personal opinion of the President as to which MP is best suited to be Prime Minister, but an objective and constitutional view formed by reference to who can command the confidence of Parliament. This is usually, although not always, the leader of the largest party represented in Parliament.

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe survived a vote of no-confidence by a substantial majority earlier in the year. No other canvassing of Parliament’s confidence has occurred since then, or before the purported appointment of Rajapaksa tonight, and therefore the President can neither constitutionally remove a Prime Minister who has not lost the confidence of Parliament nor appoint another in his place.

It must also be stated that Article 42(2) speaks only of the appointment of the Prime Minister by the President and says nothing about the removal of the Prime Minister by the President. While the power of dismissal could be assumed as inherent to the power of appointment in the constitution prior to 2015, the Nineteenth Amendment has changed this by now providing expressly for the specific ways in which the Prime Minister can be removed (under the previously noted Articles 46(2) and 48). That these procedures have not been followed render the purported presidential acts tonight illegal and unconstitutional.

If the parliamentary numbers have changed since Wickremesinghe’s confidence vote in April in favour of a majority now supportive of Rajapaksa by, among other things, the withdrawal of the UPFA from the national government – presumably the basis for tonight’s presidential acts – then it is also not clear why Sirisena and Rajapaksa did not choose to take the constitutional path to removing Wickremesinghe by defeating him in Parliament first. The crisis will be prolonged if Rajapaksa cannot swiftly demonstrate his command of Parliament, but the strategy he and Sirisena have followed tonight shows that they have chosen to seize the political initiative and momentum by the element of surprise, with the probable intention of consolidating their hold on the state machinery and in particular the police and armed forces over the weekend, before conforming to constitutional and parliamentary niceties. They would also quite correctly have concluded that technical illegalities would not effectively be justiciable, because it is unlikely in the extreme that the Sri Lankan courts would risk a venture into such a high-stakes political game.

This kind of behaviour of course is entirely normal in Rajapaksa, and to his credit, he has never pretended to be anything other than a banana republic presidential populist. But Sirisena was elected in 2015 exactly to instantiate changes to curtail this dubious and destructive strain in Sri Lankan politics. His descent from the heroic standard-bearer of high idealism to a despised villain of the lowest form of low politics has been truly Miltonian.

CPA Condemns Censorship of ‘Unframed’ at the University of Peradeniya

18 October 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: ‘Unframed’ is a compelling collection of photography, curated by Vikalpa, the Sinhala civic media platform anchored to the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA). The exhibition highlights and places in context critically acclaimed photography featured on the site or taken by editorial staff over ten years.

This week, the exhibition was blocked from showcasing content at University of Peradeniya in Kandy.

‘Unframed’ has previously exhibited in Colombo, Negombo, Matara and Anuradhapura. It was due to be showcased at the University of Peradeniya from October 16 – 18 as part of the University’s Literature Festival, entitled ‘Let My Country Awake’ (මාගේ දේශය අවදි කරනු මැන).The event was organised by the Student Literary Subcommittee of the University of Peradeniya.

Starting around October 15th, however, a slew of comments and content online inciting hate, including death threats, were levelled against the exhibition, Vikalpa and in particular its Editor, Sampath Samarakoon. The organisers at the University of Peradeniya decided to suspend the exhibition on October 16th, the day it was to open to the public. On the same day, at 5pm, a discussion which was attended by a large number of students took place at the Management Faculty of the University. The University of Peradeniya Student Union as the organisers and the Literary Subcommittee led the discussion.

A group of students who attended the meeting said that the exhibition should not be showcased on the grounds that it was linked to a non-governmental organisation, that the material displayed was about and supportive of the LTTE and that Vikalpa itself was supportive of the LTTE, since the exhibition showed many photographs of Tamil people. Distressingly, another reason this group averred the exhibition would never be allowed to be shown on University grounds was that it featured photographs of Prageeth Eknaligoda, an individual they said deserved to be disappeared.

The students also rejected the idea that land-grabs had taken place and the occupation of private land by the State. Noting that photographs framing political prisoners were actually members of the LTTE, they went on to say that Sinhalese who remained the majority population in Sri Lanka, were a majority on campus too. Adding that they co-existed harmoniously with Tamils and Muslims, they said there was no space or room for any further debate around this.

The organisers stated that banning this show was censorship, noting that showing the photographs would lead to a more informed debate on these issues. However, the group of students opposed to ‘Unframed’, growing visibly more agitated and intolerant, responded by insisting they would not allow it to be shown.

CPA believes the action of this group of students at University of Peradeniya to block and ban ‘Unframed’, particularly in the manner they did, is an attack on the freedom of expression. It is both risible and tragic that this behaviour, invective and mindset continues to flourish  within a tertiary education system intended to produce scholars and academics who can think critically. CPA also notes with concern that what Vikalpa staff and ‘Unframed’ faced in Peradeniya occurs at a time when the freedom of expression and the critical appreciation of media, including inconvenient narratives, particularly within the University system, is under threat and at risk in the North as well as the South.

CPA believes the measures taken to block ‘Unframed’ pose a serious threat, larger than the exhibition itself, around the future of meaningful reconciliation and transitional justice processes, post-war. The raison d’etre of ‘Unframed’ is to showcase the lives of fellow citizens for whom justice, equality and equity remain elusive. The exhibition captures ground realities that are hidden, marginal or forgotten. The action by some students at the University of Peradeniya sets a precedent and creates a context of anxiety and fear for those who champion critical reflection of contemporary politics and post-war realities.

Unreservedly condemning what led to ‘Unframed’ being blocked by those who represent a deeply debilitating, disturbing illiberalism and intolerance, CPA calls for a full investigation of this incident by relevant authorities, as well as a broader, deeper discussion amongst faculty, staff and students at the University of Peradeniya, and beyond.

Download this statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Comparing the Proposed Counter Terrorism Bill to the Prevention of Terrorism Act

This document is a comparison of the proposed Counter Terrorism Act (CTA) with the current legal regime operating under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and regulations made thereunder prepared by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA). The present document is limited to a comparison with the PTA to ensure there is a timely comment on the CTA and to inform the public on specific areas critical for individual liberties and fundamental freedoms. Future publications will, however, provide a more detailed analysis of the provisions in the CTA, other laws with which the CTA can be compared with, and their operation.

As per recent reports in the media, it has been suggested that there will be further committee stage amendments brought to the CTA before it is passed by Parliament. As has been reiterated by CPA on numerous occasions, this procedure is regrettable as it prevents citizens challenging the provisions added to the proposed Bill in court. This is especially egregious in the case of a Bill such as this which will have a major impact on the liberties and rights of the citizens of this country.

CPA filed papers on the 17th of October 2018 intervening in one of the petitions challenging the proposed Counter Terrorism Bill.

Download this report here.

CPA Intervenes on the Challenge to the Proposed Counter Terrorism Bill

17th October 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers today intervening in the petition filed by Wimal Weerawansa MP challenging ‘The Counter Terrorism Bill’ (The Bill), tabled in Parliament on 9th  of October 2018. The proposed Bill seeks to repeal and replace the archaic PTA which was initially enacted with the intention of being a temporary measure but was thereafter made permanent in 1982. CPA’s intervention in this case is a reiteration of its longstanding position that the PTA needs to be repealed and any counter terrorism measures introduced should be in line with international human rights standards.

In an initial statement made by CPA on the Bill, it was noted that though the proposed bill is an improvement from the existing PTA, it still had room for potential abuse.  CPA thus, through this intervening petition, seeks to highlight that certain clauses are inconsistent with the Constitution.

Continuing Concerns on the Office for Reparations Bill

October 4th 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The second reading of the ‘Office for Reparations Bill’ (the Bill) is listed to be taken up in Parliament on Wednesday, 10th October 2018. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) raises serious concerns with the present form of the Bill and notes, yet again, that the Bill will adversely impact the proposed Office for Reparations (the Office) and ultimately reparations themselves if enacted in its present form.

Despite CPA and others in civil society previously raising and attempting to engage with key actors in government on alternative proposals to strengthen the Bill, the government has failed to factor in key considerations that could have ensured a victim-centred and independent Office. CPA reiterates its concerns with two clauses in particular. Clause 11(1)(g) provides that policies and guidelines formulated by the Office will only be adopted upon approval by the Cabinet of Ministers. Clause 22(4) further provides that any such policies and guidelines authorising the disbursement of funds require Parliament’s approval. These clauses create a total dependency on Cabinet vis-à-vis policy formulation and an unnecessary layer of Parliamentary approval to disburse funds for an Office intended to be independent, nonpartisan and autonomous.

This dependency on the executive and legislature generated by the current Bill will likely lead to a situation of political bargaining, trade-offs and politicisation that will eventually undermine the integrity of reparations and lose the confidence of victims and affected communities. Media reports highlight the politicisation and ethnicisation related to compensation schemes. It is in this deeply problematic context that the Bill envisages further and heavier reliance on politicians.

CPA has repeatedly emphasised the critical importance of reparations in the transformation of societies that have experienced violence, loss and discrimination. Coupled with other reforms, reparations are critical to empower victims, give them dignity and build trust. A weak Office is unlikely to achieve this. Concerns with the Bill’s substance and process and a lack of genuine interest by key government entities to engage begs the question of whether this is merely a box ticking exercise than a genuine attempt at addressing a crucial aspect of reconciliation.

The government will use the present Bill and the establishment of the second transitional justice mechanism it committed to in UN Human Rights Council Resolution 30/1 as evidence of positive progress. The first mechanism, the Office for Missing Persons (OMP), was legislated for in August 2016 and operationalised after numerous delays in March 2018. While some will accept these moves as progress, the frequent delays, inactions and obstructions in actually fulfilling the promises it made in 2015 are sadly indicative of a government that is clearly fudging in delivering on transitional justice. It is not too late to correct course and display genuine political leadership to address Sri Lanka’s past. This can start immediately with the establishment of an Office for Reparations that is victim-centred and independent.

Download this statement here.

Study on Information Requests Submitted to Public Authorities and Responses Received under the Right to Information Act

Sri Lanka’s Right to Information (RTI) Act provides the mechanism for citizens to oversee the decision-making and actions of public authorities. The RTI Act first expresses that it is the operational mechanism of the substantive right of access to information as recognised in Article 14A of the Constitution. Section 3 of the RTI Act outlines the scope of the right to information as an entitlement of every citizen to the information in the possession, custody or control of all public authorities. Section 43 of the Act provides a very broad definition of ‘public authority’. Therefore, citizens will not be entitled to the right to information from any other entity that is not a public authority.

The engagement of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) in RTI Activism dates back as far as 2003, with its involvement in the drafting of a Freedom of Information Bill, which was approved by Cabinet in and tabled in Parliament in 2004, but never debated due to Parliament being dissolved prematurely. Since then, it has engaged in sustained advocacy for enacting a RTI regime in Sri Lanka, including in pushing for the right to be included in the Nineteenth Amendment and in advocating for the passage of the current RTI Act. Since the Act’s passage, CPA has undertaken numerous community outreach activities, trainings and research exercises to educate and empower Sri Lankan citizens to exercise their right to information fully.

The main objective of this study is to evaluate, investigate and identify weaknesses of the practical procedure stipulated in the RTI Act for public authorities and to make recommendations to strengthen the people’s right to information. In addition, the study seeks to shed light on the attitudes of officers in public authorities regarding RTI and the practical difficulties faced by citizens in seeking of information under the Act.

Download this study in Sinhala, Tamil and English.

Initial Comment on the Proposed Counter Terrorism Bill

September 18th, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes the improved version of the Counter Terrorism Bill to repeal and replace the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) which has reportedly obtained Cabinet approval last week. While the process of preparing the Bill could have been much more transparent and inclusive, the final outcome, if enacted in the present form, would be a significant and welcome improvement on the current framework of antiterrorism powers as established by the PTA and a previous leaked draft of the Counter Terrorism Framework.

The new framework proposed by the Bill would represent a much better balance between the liberty of the individual and the powers of the state by establishing several meaningful checks and balances for the exceptional powers given to the state to combat terrorism. While CPA notes improvements can be made to the Bill to make it more consistent with national and international human rights standards, we note in particular that many of the more egregious aspects of the PTA have been removed, or at least ameliorated. These include the removal of the admissibility of confessions (which has served as an invitation to endemic torture and arbitrary convictions under the PTA) and the overbroad provisions having a chilling effect on the freedom of expression. Improvements include the access by suspects to legal counsel, magistrates, and the wider role for the Human Rights Commission, and that powers of arrest and detention are checked by stronger judicial safeguards and lesser periods of permissible detention without charge.

Despite this, CPA is concerned with media reports indicating that some members of the government have expressed reservations about the more liberal provisions of the Bill, and there is a threat that retrograde features might be reintroduced into the Bill by way of committee-stage amendments. CPA has consistently raised concerns with such practices of committee-stage amendments which are beyond the scrutiny of the judiciary and citizens of Sri Lanka. We urge the government to reject these calls, and to ensure that the integrity of the Bill is not distorted or destroyed through unprincipled amendments serving the ends of authoritarianism and future human rights violations.

CPA also urges the government to publish the Bill at the earliest opportunity to enable fuller public scrutiny and debate of its contents prior to the parliamentary stage.

Download this statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Udaya Prabath Gammanpila V Attorney General (Centre for Policy Alternatives intervenient- petitioner)

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers on September 12th 2018 intervening in the petition filed by Udaya Gammanpila, MP challenging ‘The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution’ (The Bill), a Private Member’s Bill tabled in Parliament on 5th of September 2018 by Vijitha Herath, MP. The proposed Bill seeks to make significant changes to the office of the Executive President. In terms of the Bill the President would no longer be the Head of Government and would be elected for a five-year term by a simple majority in Parliament.

Read the full written submission made by CPA here.

CPA Intervenes on the Challenge to the Proposed Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution

12th September 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers today intervening in the petition filed by Udaya Gammanpila, MP challenging ‘The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution’ (The Bill), a Private Member’s Bill tabled in Parliament on 5th of September 2018 by Vijitha Herath, MP. The proposed Bill seeks to make significant changes to the office of the Executive President. In terms of the Bill the President would no longer be the Head of Government and would be elected for a five-year term by a simple majority in Parliament.

CPA’s intervention in this case is a reiteration of its longstanding position on the need to abolish the Executive Presidency. The promise to abolish the executive presidency has received the continuous support of the citizens of Sri Lanka including affirmation at every Presidential election since 1994. CPA has consistently advocated this position and was the only civil society organization that challenged the 18th Amendment to the Constitution which expanded the powers of the Executive Presidency in an arbitrary and anti-democratic manner. CPA also supported the 19th Amendment to the Constitution which sought to curtail some of the powers provided by the 18th Amendment and ushered in key reforms. At this time, CPA thus sees the proposed Bill as the most viable avenue of reform in order to achieve the single most important pledge on which the current President and Government were elected to office in 2015.

Download this statement in EnglishTamil & Sinhala

Confronting Accountability for Hate Speech in Sri Lanka: A critique of the legal framework

Post-war Sri Lanka has witnessed numerous incidents of ethno-religious violence. From Aluthgama in 2014 to Gintota in 2017 to Ampara and Digana in 2018, instances of ethno-religious violence have escalated to the point of property damage, grievous injury, and—in the cases of Aluthgama and Digana—death. Violence of this nature is not restricted to the Buddhist and Muslim communities, as seen in these examples, nor is it a novel phenomenon. Anti-Tamil riots in 1958 and 1977, the events of Black July in 1983, the 1915 Sinhalese-Muslim riots, the 2001 Mawanella riots, and numerous other instances, stemmed from festering tensions between ethnic or religious communities. In fact, the incidence of ethno-religious violence in modern Sri Lanka can be traced as far back as the Kotahena riots of 1883, which involved clashes between Buddhist and Christian communities.

This latest bout of ethno-religious violence has prompted demands for the prosecution of both hate crimes as well as the hate speech that is believed to have led to such violence. As pointed out by numerous parties in response to the government’s attempts to introduce new hate speech legislation in 2015, Sri Lanka’s legal framework already contains a number of provisions addressing hate speech. However, the dearth of prosecutions or convictions under this framework despite the recurrence of these incidences is cause for concern. Inaction by successive governments has also contributed to increasing fears among minorities and strengthened a sense of impunity among perpetrators. The events of the past few years have made it apparent that neither the incidence of hate speech nor the severity of its consequences are likely to diminish without serious and tangible action being taken.

In light of this, there is a need to evaluate the existing Sri Lankan legal framework which provides for the prosecution of hate speech to determine whether the lack of action on the issue is a product of legal gaps; practical issues of a lack of capacity or resources; or other, more complex reasons stemming from the current political context and dynamics.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives has prepared this report to assess the legal framework on hate speech in Sri Lanka. The report identifies gaps in the framework and overbroad provisions that may not curb hate speech, lead to violations of fundamental rights and freedoms and facilitate excessive censorship. The report also fills a gap in the literature by shedding light on the limited number of steps taken to address accountability in this regard despite a broad legal framework addressing the issue. The report accordingly provides a range of recommendations for potential legal, policy and structural reforms. The report reiterates that swift and decisive action is needed by the Government and other stakeholders to prevent future incidents and strengthen the rule of law. The report is, however, not an attempt to document incidents of hate speech, as this task has been initiated by others.

The report begins with a brief theoretical discussion on freedom of expression and hate speech in the remainder of this introductory chapter. The following chapters examine the legal framework pertaining to hate speech in Sri Lanka by laying out the key legislation—the ICCPR Act, the Penal Code, the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Police Ordinance—and examining judicial decisions arising from these provisions. This analysis reveals a number of practical challenges which confront the application of these laws to hold perpetrators to account and thus result in limited prosecutions and convictions. The chapters accordingly provide a number of ideas for action and reform. The concluding chapter collates and summarises these reform proposals to address lacunae in the existing legal framework.

Download the report here.

Read ‘Liking Violence’, CPA’s 2014 report on online hate speech in Sri Lanka, here.

CPA Asks the Steering Committee to Publish ‘Draft Zero’

August 10th 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes the media coverage surrounding a document described as ‘Draft Zero’ – evidently produced by some legal experts resourcing the Constitutional Assembly process – which is reported to have been submitted to the Steering Committee. According to reports, this document sets out a scheme for a new constitution based on the recommendations of the Sub-Committees of the Constitutional Assembly which reported in 2016, and the Steering Committee’s Interim Report of 2017.

While this document has not been made public by the Steering Committee, it is clear from the detailed critical commentaries on its contents that are appearing in the national media that the document has been leaked. We are thus in an extraordinary situation in which critics of constitutional reform are shaping the public debate on a future constitution, while proponents of reform as well as the general public remain in the dark about the proposals before the Steering Committee. This has removed any reasonable justification based on confidentiality which has so far prevented the publication of this document.

It may be the case that the government’s conduct of the reforms process, or lack thereof, has by now almost entirely squandered the political opportunity for a new constitution created by the landmark elections of 2015. But the government continues to owe a duty of basic candour to the public that twice mandated and entrusted it with the responsibility for constitutional reform in 2015. CPA accordingly demands that the document known as ‘Draft Zero’ be published forthwith. It is the least the government can do to demonstrate some respect for the goodwill and credulity of its citizens.

Download the statement here.

Civil Society Concerned with Implementing the Death Penalty & Providing Police Powers to the Military

19th July 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The undersigned civil society activists and groups in Sri Lanka express our deep concern about the decision of the Cabinet of Ministers to take steps towards implementing the death penalty. The death penalty has not been implemented in Sri Lanka since 1976, though it continues to remain as a punishment for certain categories of offences. According to media reports, the Cabinet of Ministers approved a proposal by President Maithripala Sirisena to take steps towards implementing the death penalty regarding persons who have been sentenced to death for drug offences and “who continue to operate the drug racket from their prison cells”.

We reiterate the objections made by several stakeholders in stating that;

  • There is no empirical evidence to support the assertion that the death penalty has a deterrent value and that it reduces crime;
  • Once imposed the death penalty cannot be reversed as such individuals could to be punished with death for crimes they did not commit;
  • Enforcing the death penalty is contrary to Sri Lanka’s international obligations; and
  • It is not the way a civilised society deals with crime, especially complicated crime in the nature of trafficking narcotics.

In this regard we welcome the observations of the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) contained in letter dated 13th July 2018 addressed to President Sirisena which echoes the its previous letter to President Sirisena in January 2016 requesting him to take steps to abolish the death penalty. We urge the President, Prime Minister and the other members of the Cabinet of Ministers to seriously consider these recommendations by the HRCSL, which is statutorily mandated to advise the government in matters relating to the promotion and protection of human rights.

We are also concerned by a proposal reportedly approved by the Cabinet of Ministers at its meeting on 10th July 2018 to draft legislation that would allow the security forces to exercise some police powers for a period of two years to purportedly help the Police in “eradicating the drug menace in the country”. The military exercising police powers is unacceptable in a context where there is no on-going armed conflict. Military involvement in civilian activities has been a problem in post war Sri Lanka and the Government of Sri Lanka since 2010 has continuously promised to reduce the role of the military in civilian life. Whilst progress in this regard has been slow, this proposal if passed into law would be a mistake and a step in the wrong direction. The military’s training does not equip it to carry out policing functions effectively, as was seen when the military was summoned to deal with a protest in Rathupaswala in 2013, forcing the military to engage in policing functions can have disastrous consequences. Whilst the proposed bill is for a specific period of time, Sri Lanka’s experience with other similar legislation has shown that these types of laws eventually become a permanent fixture in the legal system.

There is no doubt about the need to curb narcotics in Sri Lanka, however the response of the Government of Sri Lanka needs to be carefully considered so as not to exacerbate existing problems. If the Government of Sri Lanka is serious about dealing with narcotics and drug trafficking it needs to among other things, focus on training the Police to deal with narcotics related crime and invest in modern equipment and technology to help investigations. The Government of Sri Lanka also needs to address the strong perception in society that politicians are involved in trafficking narcotics and/or are direct beneficiaries of money derived from such activities. Implementing the death penalty and using the security forces would do little to solve the problem and in the long run would only compound the rule of law problems in Sri Lanka.

Signatories

Individuals

  1. D. Rajani
  2. R.A Ramees
  3. Aaranya Rajasingam
  4. Ainslie Joseph
  5. Anithra Varia
  6. Annouchka Wijesinghe
  7. Anoma Wijewardene
  8. Anushaya Collure
  9. Aritha Wickramasinghe
  10. Asma Rahman
  11. Gowthaman
  12. Bishop Kumara Illangasinghe
  13. Bhavani Fonseka
  14. Brito Fernando
  15. Chandra Jayaratne
  16. Chandraguptha Thenuwara
  17. Chulani Kodikara
  18. Cyril Pathiranage
  19. Danesh Casie Chetty
  20. Deanne Uyangoda
  21. Deekshya Illangasinghe
  22. Daya Somasundaram
  23. P. Saravanamuttu
  24. Selvy Thiruchandran
  25. Faaiz Ameer
  26. J. M. Joseph Jeyaseelan
  27. Sarath Iddamalgoda
  28. Gamini Viyangoda
  29. Godfrey Yogarajah
  30. Iromi Perera
  31. Ishara Danasekara
  32. Jayanta de S Wijeratne
  33. Jayanthi Samaraweera Gunewardena
  34. Jeanne Samuel
  35. Juwairiya Mohideen
  36. Aingkaran
  37. S. Ratnavale
  38. Lahiru Kithalagama
  39. Lionel Guruge
  40. Luwie Ganeshathasan
  41. Mahaluxmy Kurushanthan
  42. Mario Gomez
  43. Mujeebur Rahman
  44. Nagulan Nesiah
  45. Nigel Nugawela
  46. Muthulingam
  47. Prabodha Rathnayaka
  48. Jayadeva Uyangoda
  49. Raisa Wickrematunge
  50. Ramya Chamalie Jirasinghe
  51. Rohana Jayaratne
  52. Rohini Weerasinghe Weerasinghe
  53. Ruki Fernando
  54. P Pushpakanthan
  55. Sakina Moinudeen
  56. Sampath Samarakoon
  57. Sandun Thudugala
  58. Sanjana Hattotuwa
  59. Sarah Arumugam
  60. Selvaraj Rajasegar
  61. Senel Wanniarachchi
  62. Shalini Wickramasuriya
  63. Shalomi Daniel
  64. Sharanya Sekaram
  65. Shreen Saroor
  66. Noeline Christine Fernando
  67. Subha Wijesiriwardena
  68. Sumika Perera
  69. Sunela Jayewardene
  70. Sunethra Bandaranaike
  71. Tanuja Thurairajah
  72. Samuel J. Ponniah

Organisations

  1. Alliance Development Trust
  2. Centre for Human Rights Development
  3. Centre for Policy Alternatives
  4. Families of the Disappeared
  5. Hashtag Generation
  6. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre
  7. Institute of Social Development
  8. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
  9. Law and Society Trust
  10. Manawa Shakthi Padanama, Galle
  11. Mannar Women’s Development Federation
  12. Muslim Women Development Trust
  13. National Peace Council
  14. Rights Now Collective for Democracy
  15. Rural Development Foundation
  16. The Grassrooted Trust
  17. Women’s Action Network
  18. Women’s Resource Centre

 

 

 

A Brief Guide to the Judicature (Amendment) Act No 9 of 2018

This brief guide is prepared by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) to raise awareness on salient points in relation to the Judicature (Amendment) Act No 9 of 2018 enacted in May 2018. As the guide indicates, if fully implemented, the present legislation can address delays with justice with specific cases in Sri Lanka. While this is legislation addresses several areas requiring reforms, CPA also notes several concerns that require further attention and urges the authorities to also consider addressing delays in relation to other areas.

Download in English here.

  1. What is the Judicature Act?

The Judicature Act is an act of Parliament which provides the legal basis to establish the system of courts of first instance in Sri Lanka. The Act also defines the jurisdiction of these courts.

  1. What is a court of first instance?

A court in which a case will be first heard is a court of first instance. Legal proceedings begin in courts of first instance and these courts will often hear evidence and make the first ruling about a case.

  1. What was the recent amendment to the Judicature Act?

The Judicature (Amendment) Act, No. 9 of 2018[1] was passed by Parliament in May 2018. This Act allows for certain High Courts to function as “Permanent High Courts at Bar”.

  1. What is the Permanent High Court at Bar?

It’s a permanent High Court consisting of three Judges sitting together to hear and determine cases relating to a number of financial and economic offences. The cases will be heard on a day to day basis (i.e. on consecutive dates). The Act provides for more than one Permanent High Court at Bar to be set up.

  1. What do “financial and economic offences” mean?

The Act does not define these terms. Instead it provides a schedule (the Sixth Schedule) which contains a list of offences which could be tried by the Permanent High Court at Bar.

  1. Will every case where a person is charged for an offence mentioned in the Sixth Schedule of the Act get heard by the Permanent High Court at Bar?

No. After considering several criteria, the Attorney General or the Director General for the Prevention of Bribery and Corruption (when directed by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption) can refer such cases to the Chief Justice to ask whether criminal proceedings for such offences should be taken in a Permanent High Court at Bar or elsewhere.

If the Chief Justice is satisfied that one or more of the criteria has been satisfied, s/he can direct the Attorney General or the Director General for the Prevention of Bribery and Corruption to institute criminal proceedings in the Permanent High Court at Bar. [Section 12A(4a)]

  1. What are the criteria to be considered by the Attorney General or the Director General for the Prevention of Bribery and Corruption, and then the Chief Justice?
  • the nature and circumstances of the offence
  • the gravity of the offence
  • the complexity of the offence
  • the impact on the victim or the impact on the State [Section 12A(4a)]
  1. Who nominates the judges sitting in the Permanent High Court at Bar?

The Chief Justice nominates the judges who will sit in this court [Section 12A(1)]

  1. Did Sri Lanka already have provision for Trials at Bar?

Yes, it did.

Prior to the present amendment the Sri Lankan legal system had already recognised Trials at Bar. The Judicature Act allows for Trials at Bar to be held by the High Court for offences punishable under the Penal Code and other laws. The Chief Justice has the power to nominate a Bench of three Judges of the High Court to these Trials at Bar. [Section 12]

Under section 450 of the Code of Criminal Procedure Act, the Chief Justice can decide to hold a Trial at Bar for any offence punishable under Sections 114, 115 or 116 of the Penal Code[2], taking into consideration:

  • the nature of the offence
  • the circumstances relating to the commission of the offence
  • in the interests of justice

The person accused of the offence will be tried before a Trial at Bar by three Judges without a jury.

  1. How are the Permanent High Court at Bar different from Trials at Bar?

Unlike Trials at Bar, which are established on a case by case basis, the Permanent High Court at Bar will be permanent and will hear the cases referred to it by the Chief Justice (See answer to question 4)

  1. Do we have enough High Court judges to have dedicated Permanent High Courts at Bar? Will other cases get delayed?

The Judicature (Amendment) Act, No. 26 of 2017[3] increased the maximum number of High Court judges from 75 to 110. With this increase of the number of High Court Judges, the Permanent High Court at Bar can be established without diverting judges from existing High Courts. This would allow the existing workload of the High Court to be spread among more judges in more court rooms.

  1. Is there a problem of delays in High Court cases ? Is there a backlog of cases?

A report of Parliament’s Sectoral Oversight committee on Legal Affairs (anti-corruption) & Media, found that:[4]

  • The actual period between the date an indictment was filed and the date the prosecution commenced (Average) – 3.7 years
  • The period between commencing recording evidence and the ruling of the case at High Court (Average) – 1.8 years
  • The period for the completion of the two appeals in the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court (Average) – 0.7 years

According to the Ministry of Justice, there is a considerable backlog of cases in the High Courts.

Date No of Cases Pending in High Court
30th September 2017 17,143[5]
31st December 2016 16,366[6]
31st December 2015 16, 259[7]

However it has to be noted that this represents ALL cases before the High Courts and not just criminal cases.

  1. Is the backlog of cases only due to the delays in the Courts?

No. Some of the problems that cause these delays are related to investigation agencies and the Attorney General’s Department, whilst at least part of the problem is the delays caused by the heavy workload of existing courts and postponement of cases.

Some problems that cause these delays can be solved through increasing resources available to the investigation agencies and the Attorney General’s Department and judiciary. This would mean recruiting more skilled personnel, providing more training, investing in equipment and technology to increase efficiency and streamlining administrative procedures.

Other problems require legislative fixes. These include streamlining court procedures and providing for more judges and court rooms (see answer to question 14).

These solutions are not mutually exclusive.

  1. How do these amendments to the Judicature Act hope to ensure cases are concluded faster?
  • By setting up court rooms to exclusively hear a particular category of cases, progress on these cases is sped up.
  • By taking away a particular category of cases from the other High Courts, the workloads in those courts are reduced.
  • The cases in the Permanent High Court at Bar are expected to be heard on a day to day basis (i.e. on consecutive dates), this prevents long gaps between dates and would help to ensure cases are progressed quickly. [Section 12A (5)]
  • As opposed to having two appeals (one to the Court of Appeal and one to the Supreme Court) there is only one appeal from the Permanent High Court at Bar. This appeal is heard by five judges of the Supreme Court (the same as Trials at Bar) [Section 12B]
  1. What are the other benefits of having a dedicated Court hearing a particular category of cases?
  • During their tenure in the Court, the judges will be able to focus on a specific category of cases. Considering that these crimes are highly technical and require specialised knowledge this would help judges focus on developing the necessary skills to adjudicate such cases.
  • Having dedicated Court rooms makes it easier to allocate specialised resources (i.e. specialised translators, audio visual equipment etc.)
  1. What guarantees are there that the Permanent High Court at Bar will be independent?
  • The Judges in the Permanent High Court at Bar are High Court judges. High Court judges are appointed by the President[8] on the recommendation of the Judicial Services Commission (JSC)[9]. The JSC in turn makes its recommendations in consultation with the Attorney General.
  • The Chief Justice appoints Judges to the Permanent High Court at Bar from among existing High Court Judges.
  • The Chief Justice decides (based on cases forwarded by the Attorney General and the Director General for the Prevention of Bribery and Corruption) which cases get referred to the Permanent High Court at Bar.
  • Despite these safeguards to prevent against political interference there still continues to be concerns (see below) in this regard.
  1. Why does the Chief Justice have such an important role to play in the entire process?

The Chief Justice appoints judges to the Permanent High Court at Bar and makes the final decision on which cases are heard by the Permanent High Court at Bar.

In the original gazetted Bill it was up to the Attorney General or the Director General for the Prevention of Bribery and Corruption to decide which cases would be referred to the Permanent High Court at Bar.[10] However based on several Petitions filed challenging the constitutionality of this, the Supreme Court said that this power should be with the Chief Justice.[11]

The gazetted Bill also enabled the JSC as well as the Chief Justice appointing judges to the Permanent High Court at Bar.[12] However the Supreme Court determined that this power should solely be with the Chief Justice.[13]

  1. What are the risks associated with having a dedicated Permanent High Court at Bar?
  • The main risk is that the Permanent High Court at Bar would not have the desired impact and would not be able to conclude cases within a short period of time. This could happen if;
    • The necessary resources are not allocated to these courts;
    • Causes for delays within investigation agencies and the Attorney General’s Department are not adequately addressed;
    • The judges do not adhere to the requirements specified in the amendment act including of day to day trial and not granting postponements unless in exceptional circumstances.
  • The role of the Chief Justice is also less than ideal in that it gives one individual a lot of power (see answers to question 16 and 17 above). There could be a situation where these powers are misused to scuttle attempts to prosecute financial crimes or to target political opponents. The original proposal of giving this power to the JSC[14] would have been an improvement. However it should be remembered that with the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, the executive wields much less influence over the Chief Justice than before but there continues to be a need for greater safeguards to protect the integrity of the judiciary and other key state structures.
  • Concerns have also been raised with specialised courts that there is the risk of stereotypes being developed which can be prejudicial to either the prosecution or to the accused. This could result in more verdicts of such courts being more likely to be overturned in Appeal. Therefore in order to ensure that there is a fair trial process there should be specially trained judges hearing cases on rotation.
  • There is only one appeal from a verdict of the Permanent High Court at Bar and five judges of the Supreme Court will hear such an appeal. This will add to the workload of the Supreme Court and could potentially create more backlogs in the Supreme Court.

 

[1] The Judicature (Amendment) Act, No. 9 of 2018, certified on 15th May 2018, Available at  http://www.documents.gov.lk/files/act/2018/5/09-2018_E.pdf

[2] Offence punishable under sections 114, 115 or 116 of the Penal Code are waging or attempting to wage war,  or abetting the waging of war against the State, Conspiracy to waging of war against the State and Collecting arms with the intention of waging war against the State

[3] The Judicature (Amendment) Act, No. 26 of 2017, certified on 17th November 2017, available at   http://www.documents.gov.lk/files/act/2017/11/26-2017_E.pdf

[4] “Recommendations Pertaining to the Expeditious and Efficient Administration of Criminal Justice”, Sectoral Oversight committee on Legal Affairs (anti corruption) & Media, 20 September 2017, at pg 3, available at http://www.parliament.lk/uploads/comreports/1510738363068517.pdf

[5] Progress Report, Ministry of Justice , January – September 2017, pg 42, available at http://www.moj.gov.lk/web/images/pdf/progress_report/14.11.2017/English.pdf

[6] Progress Report, Ministry of Justice , January – December 2016, pg 41, available at http://www.moj.gov.lk/web/images/pdf/progress_report/pr_january_december_2016_en.pdf

[7] Ibid.

[8] See Article 111(2)(a) of the Constitution.

[9] The Judicial Service Commission comprises of the Chief Justice and the two most senior Judges of the Supreme Court appointed by the President. See Article 111D of the Constitution.

[10] Clause 12A(7), Judicature Amendment Bill, Published in the Gazette on 6th February 2018, available at http://www.parliament.lk/uploads/bills/gbills/english/6082.pdf

[11] SC SD 7 – 13 of 2018 , available at http://www.parliament.lk/uploads/bills/scdet/6082.pdf

[12] Clause 12A(2), Judicature Amendment Bill, Published in the Gazette on 6th February 2018, available at http://www.parliament.lk/uploads/bills/gbills/english/6082.pdf

[13] SC SD 7 – 13 of 2018 , available at http://www.parliament.lk/uploads/bills/scdet/6082.pdf

[14] Judicial Service Commission comprises of the Chief Justice and the two most senior Judges of the Supreme Court appointed by the President. See Article 111D of the Constitution.

Civil Society Raises Concerns with the Office for Reparations Bill

The undersigned civil society activists and groups in Sri Lanka express our deep concern with aspects of the draft Bill titled ‘Office for Reparations’ (the Bill) gazetted on 25th June 2018. While the undersigned have several concerns with the process and content of the draft Bill, two issues regarding the powers and functions of the proposed Office stand out as the most pressing concerns. If these are not addressed forthwith, further engagement with the process will be moot. Therefore, we request amendments to the draft Bill to address these issues. We also urge any future action to be preceded by meaningful consultations on the content of the draft Bill allowing civil society and other stakeholders to make further submissions regarding other outstanding concerns.

Paramount concerns regarding the draft Bill are as follows:
1) The proposed Office has no decisional power with respect to policies and guidelines on reparations. In fact, policies and guidelines formulated by the proposed Office will only be adopted upon approval by the Cabinet of Ministers (clause 11(1)(g)). This unnecessary requirement of designating the Cabinet of Ministers as the key decision-maker on the adoption of reparations policies and guidelines is hugely problematic as the latter may delay or even refuse approving the recommended policies on reparations. It can also lead to cabinet approving policies and guidelines in an ad hoc manner, as done in the past, potentially undermining the coherence of the scheme proposed by the Office.

2) Furthermore, according to the draft Bill, policies and guidelines approved by the Cabinet of Ministers and authorizing the disbursement of funds must be placed before Parliament for its approval (clause 22(4)). This procedural requirement is unnecessary and redundant given that the proposed Office has its own Fund for the carrying out of its mandate. Therefore, this adds another unnecessary layer of Parliamentary oversight and thereby further dilutes the Office’s input on reparations policies and guidelines.

These two clauses are cause for grave concern as they take away any decision-making power from the proposed Office regarding the adoption of reparations policies and guidelines. In essence, the inclusion of such problematic clauses reduces the proposed Office to a another bureaucratic layer in the adoption of policies, a far cry from what the proposed Office was meant to be in terms of defining and implementing reparations policies and programmes.

Reparations are a critical component to rebuild the lives of those whose rights have been violated. As such, if properly implemented, reparations will have a significant impact across Sri Lanka. However, for reparations to be transformative, they must be prompt, effective, and inclusive and the process must be transparent. Thus, an independent Office, free from political interference and vested with powers to define and implement reparations is essential. It is in this context that we call on the government to use this opportunity to fulfil their commitments made in 2015, taking note of the findings of the Consultations Task Force (CTF) and enact legislation establishing a mechanism that can fully address the needs of victims across Sri Lanka.

Signatures

Institutions
1. Centre for Equality and Justice
2. Centre for Human Rights and Development
3. Centre for Policy Alternatives
4. Families of the Disappeared
5. Institute of Social Development
6. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
7. Law and Society Trust
8. Mannar Women’s Development Federation
9. Muslim Women Development Trust Puttalam
10. National Fisheries Solidarity Movement
11. National Peace Council
12. Northern Muslim Civil Society
13. Rights Now Collective for Democracy
14. South Asian Centre for Legal Studies
15. Women’s Action Network

People
1. Anushani Alagarajah
2. Asma Rahman
3. Bhavani Fonseka
4. Chulani Kodikara
5. Daya Somasundaram
6. Deanne Uyangoda
7. Dinushika Dissanayake
8. Dylan Perera
9. Isabelle Lassee
10. Juwaira Mohideen
11. Louise Dargan
12. Mahalaxumy Kurushanthan
13. Mario Gomez
14. Medhaka Fernando
15. Nigel Nugawela
16. Nilshan Fonseka
17. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
18. Periyasamy Muthulingam
19. Prabodha Rathnayake
20. Sahira Lafeer
21. Sarah Arumugam
22. Shreen Abdul Saroor
23. Sumika Perera
24. Tanuja Thurairajah
25. Thyagi Ruwanpathirana
26. Uween Jayasinha
27. Father Veeresan Yogeswaran
28. Visaka Dharmadasa

Download in EnglishSinhala & Tamil and the list of signatures.

For inquiries or more information on this statement, contact Bhavani Fonseka – [email protected]

CPA Urges Swift Action in Adherence to the Rule of Law to Address Increase in Violence

29th June 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is alarmed by the recent spate of violence in Sri Lanka, including the custodial death this weekend, the death of a police constable and the inability of the authorities to contain the violence and bring perpetrators to justice. These incidents are evocative of a time when excessive force and extrajudicial practices was commonplace, with a complete disregard towards the guarantees provided in the Constitution of Sri Lanka and procedural safeguards. In the absence of swift action where the rule of law is upheld, we fear a slide back towards a society engulfed in violence with a thriving culture of impunity.

According to media reports the most recent custodial death occurred when the victim/accused, under police custody, was shot by the police when he allegedly attempted to throw a hand grenade. This incident is a reminder of several such unsolved incidents of custodial deaths in the past, some dating for over a decade, with similar reports of victims either attempting to attack or escape and being shot at in the process. As reported in the joint civil society submission for Sri Lanka’s Universal Periodic Review in 2017 and other reports, incidents of extrajudicial killings, while reduced from the previous regime, still continue with much work to be done to bring perpetrators to justice.

The present incident also comes at a time when media reports indicate a spike in the number of attacks by underworld gangs alongside the now much-publicised ethno-religious violence in parts of Sri Lanka. Both these phenomena raise the question of the effectiveness of the law and order authorities in Sri Lanka. It is against this backdrop that we were also alarmed to witness a senior member of the Buddhist clergy asking the former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa to return to power and initiate military rule along the lines of Hitler. Such a reference is a chilling reminder of Sri Lanka’s own dark years when civil liberties were cast aside in the name of national security and public order. As such, the condemnation of this statement by both President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe is welcome, however, inaction in addressing law and order at this juncture will likely see sentiment supportive of authoritarianism resonating among segments in society who prioritise security and order over rights and freedoms.

CPA thus calls on the authorities to demonstrate their commitment towards upholding the rule of law and due process in line with Sri Lanka’s Constitutional and international obligations. This includes not only upholding security and public order, but in ensuring due process to suspects and those under custody. We call on the Inspector General of Police to take full responsibility for the death of a person under the custody of the Police. We further request independent institutions such as the National Police Commission and the National Human Rights Commission to investigate the recent custodial death and initiate necessary action. We reiterate yet again our call to the Attorney General’s Department to hold perpetrators to account with this incident and the many others that are before them. Inability, unwillingness or inertia to take swift action now will not merely reinforce dangerous statements made by others but also send a message that violence and impunity thrive under the Yahapalanaya government.

Download this statement here.

Civil Society Opposes the Nomination of Dr. Dayan Jayatilleke as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Russia

22nd June 2018

Secretary to the High Post Committee
Parliament of Sri Lanka
Sri Jayawardenapura, Kotte

Representations on the Nomination of Dr. Jayatilleke as Ambassador to Russia

The following Sri Lankan civil society activists and organisations are deeply concerned by public reports indicating that the Government of Sri Lanka has proposed the name of Dr. Dayan Jayatilleke to the post of Ambassador to the Russian Federation. We write in response to the public notice dated 12 June 2018 issued by the Committee of the High Post of Parliament of Sri Lanka calling for representations regarding nominations including that of Dr. Jayatilleke.

At the outset it must be noted that Sri Lanka has a rich history of diplomatic engagement with the international community and cultivated standing and respect among its allies across the globe including in multilateral forums such as the United Nations. With the escalation of violence in the early 1980s, the then United Nations Human Rights Commission, and subsequently the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) which replaced the Commission, discussed Sri Lanka’s human rights record where victim groups and civil society were able to make representations and successive governments of Sri Lanka engaged in constructive discussions.

A marked shift in this stance was evident under the Rajapaksa regime when we experienced unprecedented levels of violence targeting civilians, civil society, media and other dissenting voices. It was during this period we witnessed a shift in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy. Dr. Jayatilleke who served as Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva at the time, took an aggressive and triumphalist line on the violence unfolding back home. For example, in 2009 a Special Session was called to discuss Sri Lanka and it was under his leadership we witnessed a hostile position taken and the deliberate targeting of those who held a different view to his own. Such a stance created divisions within the UNHRC and undermined Sri Lanka’s reputation of being able to diplomatically engage with the international community. The divisive line has had a lasting impression among missions and other entities in Geneva who remain dismayed by the negative impact the session had on the unity of the UNHRC and its impact on human rights globally.

We also note that the line taken at the Special Session ultimately ran counter to Sri Lanka’s national interests. Professional diplomats have argued convincingly that the line espoused by Dr. Jayatilleke at the 2009 session, and triumphalism about his ability to ‘win’ a resolution congratulatory of Sri Lanka’s execution of the war, galvanised Geneva actors whose concerns had been cast aside by the Sri Lankan delegation. The 2009 Special Session debacle ultimately had a significant impact in convincing the international community including the members of the UNHRC that grave violations took place in Sri Lanka and that an independent international investigation was required. This hostile and triumphalist line was counter productive as it subsequently led to several resolutions being adopted by the UNHRC in 2012, 2013 and 2014. We also note that Dr. Jayatilleke who was subsequently appointed Ambassador to France was unable to prevent the French Government from voting against Sri Lanka in these resolutions, demonstrating his ineffectiveness as a head of mission.

With the political change in 2015, we were relieved to see President Sirisena and the coalition government reverting to a more conciliatory tone where there was recognition of past abuses and the need for genuine reforms towards reconciliation. This was based on human rights being fundamentally a domestic issue, in recognition of the rights of all of Sri Lanka’s citizens rather than a game played with the international community. We were also heartened to see the Government of Sri Lanka rebuilding bridges with the international community and engaging in a constructive manner to further the interests of Sri Lanka, not the whims of particular individuals. This was also welcomed by the international community and in recognition invited President Sirisena to events such as the prestigious Group of Seven (G7) summit in Japan and Anti-Corruption Summit in the United Kingdom both in 2016.

This hard work of rebuilding Sri Lanka’s image and reputation to be a truly democratic and plural country where all citizens are equal and a country that values its international standing can be damaged with the promotion of individuals who were not only apologists of the previous Government but also, to date, its most ardent champions.

We note that Dr Jayatilleke’s ideology and the ideology that shaped the January 8 2015 movement for change are poles apart. Dr. Jayatilleke has denounced the very concept of Yahapalanaya and members of this administration. He has stood stoically against democratic reform and reconciliation initiatives, repeatedly attacking progressive ministers and leaders of the current Government for making concessions to victims of the war, as seen when privately owned land is released by the military or a permanent office to investigate thousands of cases of disappeared is established. Where we fear the violence perpetuated by the previous regime, Dr Jayatilleke openly extols the virtues of ex-President Mahinda Rajapaksa, and his ‘strong-man’ tactics.

On both previous occasions when Dr. Jayatilleke was sent on diplomatic postings, to Geneva and Paris, he furthered a personal agenda which had detrimental consequences to Sri Lanka among its most important allies. If that was the case under the Rajapaksa administration, where Dr. Jayatilleke’s ideological inclinations found resonance, then the potential for damage to this current administration which seemingly does not align with his ethno-nationalist views will be significantly greater.

It is in this context we question the nomination of Dr. Jayatilleke to a senior diplomatic post and urge the High Post Committee to reject the nomination. We also request President Sirisena, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and the coalition government to acknowledge the work done since 2015 to rebuild Sri Lanka’s image and standing internationally and to nominate individuals who are able to best represent the reforms promised in 2015 and not those who deliberately seek to undermine them.

Thank you,

Signatures

Individuals

  1. C. Mohamed Rumaiz
  2. D.J Rajani
  3. L. Ratnayake
  4. Anurasiri Hettige
  5. R.A Ramees
  6. Bennette Ratnayake
  7. Bhavani Fonseka
  8. Bishop Kumara Illangasinghe
  9. Brito Fernando
  10. Ranitha Gnanarajah- Attorney-at-law
  11. Chandra Jayaratne
  12. Chandra Hewa Gallage
  13. Chandraguptha Thenuwara
  14. Cyril Pathiranage
  15. Danesh Casie Chetty
  16. Deekshaya Illangasinghe
  17. Dharmasiri Bandaranayaka
  18. Dileep Rohana
  19. P. Saravanamuttu
  20. Ranjith Pathirana
  21. Faaiz Ameer- Attorney-at-law
  22. Faheema Begum Marsook
  23. Fathima Fayaza
  24. Freddy Gamage
  25. Gamini Viyangoda
  26. Gnaweera Dissanaike
  27. M Premasilee
  28. Harsha Gunasena- Charted Accountant
  29. Harshana Makalanda
  30. Helen de Alwis
  31. Herman Kumara
  32. Subashini
  33. Jayatilleka Bandara
  34. Jayanta de S Wijeratne
  35. Jeanne Samuel
  36. Jeyakanthi Jena
  37. Juwairiya Mohideen
  38. M.D Nilasini
  39. W Janaranjana
  40. Kaushalya Fernando
  41. Keerthi Kariyawasam
  42. Lakshman Gunasekara
  43. Lal Wijenayaka
  44. Lala Hegoda
  45. Lionel Guruge
  46. Lucian Bulathsinhala
  47. Lukshman Mendis
  48. D Mahindapala
  49. Mahaluxmy Karushanthan
  50. Mahesh Senanayaka- Senior Lecturer, Colombo University
  51. Mahinda Ratnayaka
  52. Mangalika Fernando
  53. Marian Pradeepa
  54. Marshal Fernando
  55. Mohammed Dilshan
  56. Mujeebur Rahman
  57. Nigel Nugawela
  58. Nihal Attapattu
  59. Noel Christine Fernando
  60. Manoharan
  61. D. Dissanayake
  62. D. Gunathilaka
  63. Padmini Weerasooriya
  64. Philip Dissanayake
  65. Prabodha Rathnayaka
  66. Prasanga Fernando
  67. Priyadarshani Ebenezer
  68. Arjuna Parakrama
  69. Camena Guneratne
  70. Desmond Mallikarachchi
  71. Jayadeva Uyangoda
  72. Kumar David
  73. Sarath Wijesuriya
  74. Raisa Wickrematunge
  75. Roshaan Hettiaratchi- Attorney-at-law
  76. Saman Ratnapriya
  77. Sampath Samarakoon
  78. Sandun Thudugala
  79. Sandya Ekneligoda
  80. Sanjana Hattotuwa- Senior Researcher, Centre for Policy Alternatives
  81. Sarah Arumugam- Attorney-at-law
  82. Seetha Gamage
  83. Shaheera Lafeer
  84. Shanthi Dissanayaka
  85. Shreen Saroor
  86. Sumika Perera
  87. Sumathipala Kariyawasam
  88. Sunil Perera- Gypsies
  89. Titus Fernando
  90. Tharanga L. Patabandhi
  91. Upul Kumarapperuma
  92. Dhambara Amila Thero
  93. Mahagalkadawala Pungnasara Thero
  94. Visaka Dharmadasa

Organisations

  1. Association of War Affected Women
  2. Centre for Policy Alternatives
  3. Families of the Disappeared
  4. Janasansadaya
  5. Mothers and Daughters of Lanka
  6. Muslim Women’s Development Trust, Puttalam
  7. Northern Muslim Civil Society
  8. Northern Muslim Forum
  9. Platform for Freedom
  10. Rights Now Collective for Democracy
  11. South Asian Centre for Legal Studies
  12. Women’s Action Network
  13. Women’s Centre
  14. Women’s Resource Centre, Kurunegala

 

Download the statement in English and Sinhala, and the full list of signatures here.

Meeriyabedda to Makaldeniya: Life after the Landslide

The Meeriyabedda-Koslanda landslide of October 2014 drew national attention both for the massive destruction it caused and for the gaps it exposed in Sri Lanka’s disaster response mechanisms.

The subsequent resettlement efforts and updating of relief and response protocols have been hailed by the government as comprehensive and effective. More than three years after the disaster took place, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) spoke with government officials, relief officers and affected families who have been resettled in Makaldeniya during a visit to the Badulla district. Their experiences highlight the attempts to improve the system, but also expose the challenges that remain.

A new report published by CPA highlights the current ad-hoc nature of reparations and stresses the need for a comprehensive response mechanism. This should incorporate victim concerns and also streamline the activities of the relevant authorities for faster action in an emergency. Until such a system comes into place and is fully implemented, victims of disasters – natural or man-made – will continue to face more hardship in the aftermath.

Access the story directly on Adobe Spark here or view embedded below.

Meeriyabedda to Makaldeniya

Making the Case for an Office for Reparations

June 4th 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Reparations are an essential part of transitional justice and focus on recognising and repairing past abuses. In 2015, the Government of Sri Lanka recognised the right to reparations by committing to the establishment of an Office for Reparations through at the 30th Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) through UNHRC Resolution 30/1. Despite this commitment, there has been no real movement on this issue with limited discussions on reparations and the scope of such an entity.

In this paper, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) focuses on the need for reparations in Sri Lanka and areas to consider in the establishment and operationalizing of a future Office. CPA makes the case that the design and implementation of a future Office and a reparations programme must be reflective of the Sri Lankan context and the grievances of its multiple and diverse victims. This is critical in a context where CPA’s research demonstrates discrepancies in the process and amounts allocated for compensation previously. Equally important is for reparations to be designed in a transparent and inclusive manner, being explicit about its purpose and ensuring that it is not a substitute to the other pillars of transitional justice. Finally, CPA urges a reparations programme be based on a rights framework to ensure cohesion.

Download the report in English here.

Survey on the Implementation of Official Languages Policy at Ministerial Level in Sri Lanka – 2017

May 30th 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Language is fundamental to human communication and a key marker of identity. Accordingly, it is essential that the language rights of every citizen of Sri Lanka is upheld. The failure to do so will adversely impact the enjoyment of full and equal citizenship, meaningful reconciliation and national unity as well as the quality of governance and the legitimacy of government.

The active involvement and effective contribution of all ministries, departments, and the administrative structure of the local government authorities are essential for the effective and efficient implementation of Sri Lanka’s Official Languages Policy. This policy ensures that Sri Lankan citizens have access to services and institutions in their own language.

The foremost responsibility for proper implementation of the Official Languages Policy has been placed on officials identified in each institution, including Chief Secretaries, Secretaries, departmental heads, and Municipal Commissioners, as outlined by the Extraordinary Gazette notification No. 1620/27 dated 2009.09.25 and the Administrative Circular No. 18/2009 dated 2009.11.25 respectively.

Accordingly, the Ministry of National Co-Existence, Dialogue and Official Languages has designed a guideline for developing ‘Language Plans’ for all government institutions. This focuses on four key lenses through which the proper implementation of Official Languages Policy can be ensured.

These are Visibility and Ambiance, Administration and Documentation, Service Delivery and Institutional Commitment and Support Mechanism.

This survey focused on the extent to which each of the ministries adopted these lenses when implementing the Official Languages Policy, and the core challenges and issues faced in doing so.

Download this report in English Tamil Sinhala.

For more information around the report, please contact Mr. Lionel Guruge – [email protected]

Weaponising 280 characters: What 200,000 tweets and 4,000 bots tell us about state of Twitter in Sri Lanka

April 23rd, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is pleased to announce the release of its latest report on social media, Weaponising 280 characters: What 200,000 tweets and 4,000 bots tell us about state of Twitter in Sri Lanka. The report is available for immediate download here.

The report is a collaboration between Sanjana Hattotuwa, a Senior Researcher at CPA and the head of the Civic Media Team and two leading data scientists – Yudhanjaya Wijeratne, based in Sri Lanka and Raymond Serrato, based in Germany. It is a response to an unprecedented social media phenomenon in Sri Lanka, with disturbing as well as potentially deeply disruptive implications for the health of the country’s democratic dialogue and electoral processes.

The recent violence in Kandy brought social media under renewed scrutiny for its role, reach and relevance in contributing to the production and spread of violent, hateful content. Starting late March, weeks after the cessation of the violent attacks, Twitter users began noticing a tsunami of accounts with no bios, no tweets and the default profile picture following them. Several fake Twitter accounts were identified to be promoting false or misleading content during the violence in Kandy. This, coupled with the heightened production of suspicious Twitter accounts raised red flags amongst Twitter users.

Given the scale and scope of the infestation, CPA’s English language civic media platform Groundviews, for the first time in the Sri Lankan Twittersphere, took the step of making public its block list, which other users could import. Even this measure though was not enough to address the high frequency with which new, fake accounts were being created, attaching themselves to prominent Twitter users in Sri Lanka. A preliminary analysis of 1,262 accounts, a subset of the larger dataset used for this report, indicated that the majority of suspicious accounts following Twitter users were bots.

A visualisation of the number of accounts targeted by the bots revealed that leading diplomats, Ambassadors based in Sri Lanka, the official accounts of diplomatic missions, leading local politicians, the former President of the Maldives, media institutions, civil society organisations and initiatives, leading journalists, cricketers and other individuals were amongst those who had large numbers of bot followers.

Considering bots are now a permanent feature of Sri Lanka’s Twitter landscape and will likely grow in scope and scale leading up to elections or a referendum, it is important to ask how to address the issue at scale, given the number of citizens – directly connected as well as influenced by those connected – involved.

Even with its limited scope and data, this report is a clear snapshot of the political landscape we now inhabit, and projects in the future real dangers that result from just the visible investments made around key social media platforms, which are today the key information and news vectors for a demographic between 18-34.

This report by CPA follows the path-breaking data driven study into the bots and trolls associated with a prominent politician in Sri Lanka, published in January 2018, which was also a collaborative research exercise with Yudhanjaya Wijeratne. Download Namal Rajapaksa, bots and trolls: New contours of digital propaganda and online discourse in Sri Lanka here.

Download in Tamil here.

Read the Sinhala version of this report here.

For further information and media inquiries, please contact Sanjana Hattotuwa on [email protected].

Facebook responds to open letter from Sri Lankan civil society

A day after our open letter to Mark Zuckerberg, Facebook representatives from Delhi, India, on his behalf, responded. The email is reproduced below in full. It is worth noting at the outset that this is the first official response from Facebook we have received after many years of engaging with the company around the issues flagged in our open letter.

We are very pleased that Facebook recognises that there “is no place… for hate speech, incitement to violence, and other content that violates… Community Standards.” The company also notes that it is increasing the number of Sinhala-speaking content reviewers and will engage with civil society in addition to government, going forward. Though long overdue, these are all welcome developments and commitments.

However, we are disappointed that much of the response only states what was already known or in the public domain and is without any concrete action or measure tailored to country, language and issue specific challenges and context we outlined in some detail. Our open letter, endorsed by a dozen other civil society organisations, captured the gross negligence of Facebook when dealing with gender-based violence, including content normalising rape and condoning sexual violence against girls and women. We asked for a clear indication around the precise number of content reviewers, their location and their gender makeup. We also asked for clear guidance around the timely, effective resolution of user generated reports, particularly during heightened violence.

Facebook however does not clarify or commit.

We recognise that Facebook is “investing in artificial intelligence tools” to help with the identification of “certain types of content faster and more accurately”. This echoes what has been promised around the context in Myanmar. We remain deeply sceptical. Our experience suggests that reporting posts where text inciting harm or violence is superimposed on a non-offensive image – and is not in the body of the post itself – is usually met with the response from Facebook that the content does not violate Community Standards. While not discounting the value of investing in AI and machine learning over the long term, what the company needs to do right now is to place a greater emphasis on human content reviewers conversant in Sinhala and Tamil.

Facebook continues to brush aside its culpability in allowing for the spread of and engagement with content that incited hate and violence in March alone, with a particularly horrific and widely-reported example noted in our open letter. We are thus asked to trust a company which does not or cannot publicly acknowledge how or where it went wrong to invest in solutions around non-recurrence. We trust Facebook itself will recognise this as a weak proposition.

In sharing notes with colleagues in Myanmar, we were interested to learn that Facebook had promised them what is also deeply relevant to and resonant in Sri Lanka. Recording our surprise that Facebook didn’t in their official response offer us in Sri Lanka these same options, we strongly recommend the company looks holistically at solutions around the challenge of dealing with content inciting hate across countries, instead of ad hoc, episodic or entirely siloed, country-specific solutions.

In particular, we would like to see Facebook in Sri Lanka, like it has promised to do in Myanmar,

  1. Proactively remove hate speech and repeat offenders
  2. Improve its review mechanisms and responsiveness
  3. Improve the reporting mechanisms built into Facebook apps like Facebook Messenger to make it easier and simpler to report violent or hateful content
  4. Work with government and civil society to improve the awareness of Community Guidelines by Sri Lankan users of Facebook services
  5. Establish a trusted reporting network that expedites the flagging of content vetted through experienced individuals and institutions.

Understandably, to those at Facebook, we may seem demanding, impatient and even impolite, playing down what the company and its representatives may feel are overtures, concessions and commitments aimed to assuage our concerns and address our challenges.

Our response to this is a simple one. As noted in our open letter, we have flagged these concerns to Facebook for years, to no avail. We do not trust in vague promises anymore. We cannot believe in and are not distracted by cookie-cutter public relations or press releases. We require clarity, focus, public data around stated intent and any related technical or human resource investments, clear reporting guidelines also in local languages, precise response times and independently verifiable key performance indicators around measures taken to address the challenges flagged.

Anything less is just damage control or public relations.

Risking disappointment, we continue to hope for a more honest interaction with Facebook that recognises and indeed, seeks to positively strengthen the vital role it plays in shaping our public discourse, democratic fabric and electoral processes.

###

Response from Facebook

11 April 2018

Dear Mr. Hattotuwa,

Thank you for your letter. Mark is currently travelling in Washington, but received your questions and concerns and asked that I respond as quickly as possible.

As Facebook’s Director of Public Policy covering Sri Lanka, I share your desire to improve enforcement of our Community Standards, especially for content in Sinhala. There is no place on Facebook for hate speech, incitement to violence, and other content that violates our Community Standards.

As you know from our conversations in March, we are committed to taking concrete steps to address misuse of our platform in Sri Lanka. We are increasing the number of Sinhala-speaking content reviewers on our Community Operations team to provide around-the-clock coverage, and will continue to engage with a diverse group of stakeholders, including the Sri Lankan government and civil society organizations like yours, to curb hate speech and deepen our understanding of local context.

We are also committed to using our product and technology to address these challenges. At the end of March, we displayed messages at the top of News Feed to every person on Facebook in Sri Lanka reminding them about our Community Standards and explaining how to report violating content. We are also investing in artificial intelligence tools to help us identify certain types of content faster and more accurately.

More broadly, we take our responsibility to protect the integrity of our platform, the privacy of people’s data, and the right of everyone on Facebook to express themselves freely and safely very seriously. As part of these efforts, we have recently announced a number of new transparency initiatives, including notifications to everyone who may have had their data shared with Cambridge Analytica. We also continue to provide regular updates to our community on changes to our products, including a recent News Feed FYI post detailing our decision to end the Explore Feed test in Sri Lanka and other countries.

We look forward to continuing to collaborate with you as we work to address the important issues you outline in your letter.

Kind regards,

Shivnath Thukral
Public Policy Director
India & South Asia

Download the statement here.

Open letter to Facebook: Implement Your Own Community Standards

April 10th 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is issuing an open letter to Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg, as he prepares to testify before Congress on April 10. In this letter, CPA together with other members of civil society call on Facebook to combat social issues including gender-based violence and hate speech propagated through its platform.

While several suspects have been arrested in the wake of the violence in Digana, Ampara and surrounding areas, including, most recently, two Army corporals, the role of social media platforms like Facebook in amplifying messages of violence has not been adequately examined. A delegation from Facebook met with the Government of Sri Lanka and committed to work with them to combat hate speech. However, the contents of that discussion are not in the public domain. It is not clear to what extent Facebook will be willing to work with representatives of civil society, some of whom have been flagging content on Facebook that violates its own Community Standards, for years.

Social media has long since been identified as a vector for hate speech and incitement of violence against minorities, from previous experience in Sri Lanka and from the troublingly similar case of Myanmar. Some of the posts reported include instances of hate speech, the promotion of violence against women and harassment of the LGBTIQ community. Yet many of these remain online even after being flagged.

The lack of unbiased Sinhala-language moderation is regularly cited as one of the root causes why pages regularly posting abusive content along these themes are allowed to thrive online, despite sustained reporting from concerned users.

CPA has over a number of years published reports on hate speech in Sri Lanka, including the first in South Asia looking at hate speech on Facebook, using the dangerous speech framework created by Prof. Susan Benesch. These reports have been translated into Sinhala and Tamil, and presented to Facebook by CPA researchers in several instances, with no response.

We call on Facebook to engage more actively with civil society in combating the issues raised in this letter.

#

10 April 2018

Colombo,

Sri Lanka.

 

Dear Mark,

In solidarity with and support of a letter signed by leading civil society organisations from Myanmar addressed to you recently, we, the undersigned, also felt compelled to write to you to take urgent, meaningful and sustained measures to ensure Facebook’s Community Standards are implemented in local languages and contexts. This is particularly important in countries and contexts scarred by violence or war and feature underlying communal, religious, ethnic, political and gender disparities.

We remain deeply frustrated when reporting Facebook posts and Pages perpetuating everything from gender-based violence and violence against the LGBTIQ community to hate speech, with little to no support from your platform. This is particularly so for content in Sinhala, one of Sri Lanka’s national languages, and widely used on Facebook by around the six million monthly active users from the country.

On September 7, 2017, we reported a photo featuring a poem in Sinhala. The text, written from a woman’s perspective, suggested that women often said “no” when they “meant yes”, because they were shy. As vital context, in 2017 alone, there were 2,438 cases of statutory rape and 294 cases of rape reported, according to Police statistics. None of those cases ended in convictions that year. You took two days to respond, and said that it did not violate your Community Standards, even though your Standards commits to the removal of content that promotes sexual violence or exploitation.

During the 2017 Lanka Comic Con, several Facebook page admins made memes body-shaming many women who cosplayed at the event – many of which were in Sinhala. In March 2018, many of these posts remained online, despite users banding together to mass-report the pages and specific images. Instead, a photographer reporting one of his images on the grounds of copyright violations was taken down. This response by Facebook, prioritising intellectual property over a user’s personal safety and gender violence online, is a move that several victims found extremely disheartening. This, despite your Community Standards having a specific section dedicated to the removal of altered images used to degrade private individuals.

On-going research being conducted by the Centre for Policy Alternatives, Hashtag Generation and Ghosha on technology-based violence against women highlights the repeated and non-consensual dissemination of personal and intimate images on your platform, as well as posts either harassing women or propagating violence against women. Yet many of these posts remain online, even after being flagged. Further, posts promoting harassment of women also continues to occur in Tamil, moderation for which should technically have more support given the widespread use of the language in India and other parts of the world, unlike Sinhala, which is only used in Sri Lanka.

We flag with concern that there is no transparency around the identity of those moderating flagged posts in Sinhala, or importantly, their gender. Users should know whether the content reported is being reviewed by someone fully able to comprehend – and possibly even relate to –issues raised, and the context they are raised in. This is doubly essential in cases involving minority sexual orientations and gender identities. Your platform has also been continuously used to incite violence against religious minorities.

At the very least, the company should make clear the number of moderators assigned to deal with user generated reports around content in Sinhala, in which Facebook office or time zone they are located in, as well as their gender. There should also be a clear commitment to look into and resolve user generated reports within a specific time period, which during heightened violence, must be further reduced.

Our concern is tied to your platform’s inability and unwillingness to take down explicitly genocidal material and other content inciting hate, during violence over recent months that gripped the Gintota, Ampara and Kandy regions in Sri Lanka. For example, in March 2018, a post in Sinhala during riots in Kandy, the Central Province of Sri Lanka, remained on Facebook for six days after it was first reported. The post called for the ‘killing of all Muslims, without sparing even a child, because they are dogs’ – a polite translation of sentiments far more horribly expressed. Incredibly, Facebook responded to the user who reported this post saying it did not violate any guidelines. Again, this raises questions on the identity of the moderators, if any, who are reviewing content in Sinhala and who appear to either not be conversant with your platform’s Standards on Hate Speech, or worse, are sympathetic to the sentiments expressed in such posts!

Ethno-nationalism and incitement to violence online, coupled with the impunity enjoyed by those responsible, is not unique to Sri Lanka. These patterns of abuse almost directly mirror the situation in Myanmar, where the United Nations has explicitly named Facebook responsible for allowing the spread of hate speech. This leaves activists and journalists, many of whom are colleagues, friends and fellow activists, deeply concerned over the possible situation should these issues be allowed to escalate, if hate speech on social media platforms are not addressed by multiple stakeholders.

We wish to remind you that the Centre for Policy Alternatives has, over the last four years, published reports on hate speech in Sri Lanka, using the dangerous speech framework created by Prof. Susan Benesch that connects the speech to incitement of violence. Liking Violence, in the aftermath of the Aluthgama anti-Muslim riots, attempted to highlight the extent to which hate speech towards minorities was pervasive in Sri Lankan social media spheres. The violent discourse towards Muslims is a combination of accusatory rumours with no scientific basis and calls for violence against the community. It was the first report of its kind in South Asia, flagging even as far back as 2014 the role and relevance of Facebook as a primary vector in the production, spread and engagement with content inciting violence and hate. Saving Sunil looks at how a page created around a cause quickly becomes a vessel for hate speech. The report notes that hundreds of ‘similar groups will not doubt continue to mushroom on Sri Lanka’s social media fabric’, more so if those who spread hate speech enjoy impunity and are not held accountable for what they post online. Voting in Hate notes that Facebook groups created to conduct political discourse are appropriated to promote hate speech thinly veiled as political speech, targeting political parties and candidates based on their ethnicity, religion or gender. These reports have been translated into Sinhala and Tamil and presented to multiple representatives of Facebook by lead author and Senior Researcher Sanjana Hattotuwa on several instances, over several years.

Furthermore, these issues were raised directly and openly with Facebook representatives at the Global Voices Summit in December 2017 , at interactions with Facebook held at the Government Information Department, and at the Digital Disinformation Forum, held in June 2017, organised by National Democratic Institute for International Affairs with the Centre on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford University.

Not a single one of these submissions have merited a meaningful response to look into the problems captured with evidence and data.

Tellingly, Facebook chose to primarily respond to representatives from Government only after being blocked during the recent riots in Kandy. Even after this, Facebook chose not to meaningfully engage with civil society actors who have been reporting abuse on your platform, for years. After the visit of senior Facebook representatives to Sri Lanka in March, the company committed to work with the Government to restrict hate speech on the platform. While appreciating this late interest in Sri Lanka and content in Sinhala, we remain deeply concerned these discussions took place behind closed doors without even a single civil society representative present or informed. Further, there has been no official statement from Facebook around what was discussed and agreed to, despite repeated requests. In light of what has been, and continues to be, a censorious approach by government that risks privacy and the freedom of expression over expedient and parochial measures taken address hate speech, we fear Facebook will be co-opted into officially sanctioned measures to stifle political dissent. Due to the lack of a consultative process, your best intentions may well lead to the worst outcomes.

These are not unfounded fears. Facebook chose Sri Lanka as one of just a few countries to trial the “Explore Feed” feature, pitched as an experiment to allow for more meaningful interaction with friends and family. The feature adversely impacted businesses and news organisations in many of the countries it was implemented in and ultimately failed, for reasons that are not yet fully clear. We do not know why our country was selected, what the metrics of success were, what Facebook learnt from the trial, and what if any enduring impact it had on the algorithms that power our news feeds.

This secrecy at Facebook disempowers users and commodifies them. Adding to the issues above, the six million monthly active users in Sri Lanka do not know to what degree they have been impacted by recent revelations around Cambridge Analytica using data gleaned from your platform. Our concern is heightened given the impact that the revelations have had in India, affecting over half a million users, and in the Philippines, affecting a little over a million users, and where your platform has been weaponised.

In addition to placing on record your contrition around the serious abuse of Facebook platforms, in your written testimony this week to the US Congress you noted that the company’s priority is “protecting our community” and that it “is more important than maximizing our profits”. We welcome these sentiments, but concrete action has to follow words.

For too long, we have only heard about personal commitments, promises or apologies. We hope that moving forward, your company will seriously, urgently and meaningfully commit to working with civil society to address the issues we have raised herein, and in fact have flagged for years.

Thank you for your consideration.

Signed,

  1. Bakamoono, http://www.bakamoono.lk
  2. Centre for Equality and Justice
  3. Centre for Policy Alternatives, https://www.cpalanka.org
  4. Equal Ground, http://www.equal-ground.org
  5. Ghosha, https://ghoshawomen.wordpress.com
  6. Grassrooted Trust, https://grassrooted.net
  7. Hashtag Generation, https://www.facebook.com/hashtaggenerationsl
  8. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre, https://ihrdc.wordpress.com
  9. South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR), http://www.southasianrights.org
  10. Viluthu, http://www.viluthu.org
  11. Women and Media Collective, http://womenandmedia.org
  12. Women’s Action Network
  13. Youth Advocacy Network Sri Lanka, https://www.facebook.com/YANSriLanka

#

Download the statement here and the signed letter here.

For clarifications and more information around this statement, contact Sanjana Hattotuwa ([email protected]) Raisa Wickrematunge ([email protected]) or Amalini De Sayrah ([email protected])

Observations on the Bill to Amend the Voluntary Social Service Organisations (Registration and Supervision) Act No. 31 of 1980

The Cabinet of Ministers approved on 20 February 2018 a proposal to introduce amendments to the Voluntary Social Service Act (VSSO) No. 31 of 1980. The proposed amendments contain far-reaching consequences on the activities and finances of civil society and if enacted in its present form will have a chilling effect on a range of private entities across Sri Lanka. The present move is also in a context when there are several existing laws in place to monitor and regulate non-governmental organisations and other entities that are likely to fall within the proposed amendments.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has prepared a short note containing key concerns on the proposals and process, with the hope of a constructive engagement on this issue and raising with it the necessity and proportionality of what has been proposed.

Download the note in English. Sinhala and Tamil versions will be made available soon.

 

Understanding a State of Emergency: March 2018

Sri Lanka’s last state of emergency lasted for 28 years, and was terminated in August 2011, having continuously been extended by governments since it was first declared in 1983. On March 6th 2018, President Maithripala Sirisena declared a state of emergency in order to address and contain the violence unfolding in the Kandy district, where violent attacks on the Muslim community saw widespread property damage and two deaths. Recent statements by the Presidential Secretary and the Prime Minister on its extension have raised concern.

This brief illustrates basic information on the terms, legal procedure and concerns regarding the curtailing of citizens’ rights around a state of emergency.

What is meant by a ‘State of Emergency’?

A state of emergency is a situation of exceptional threat, danger, or disaster in the life of a nation, the existence of which is clear to all, in which the government is given extraordinary powers not permitted during normal times to deal with the threat, including powers to restrict certain fundamental rights.

The Sri Lankan Constitution does not provide a formal definition of a state of emergency. Instead, the conditions that may give rise to the need for emergency powers are described in the Public Security Ordinance (PSO). The President may issue a Proclamation of a state of emergency where, “in view of the existence or imminence of a state of public emergency, he is of the opinion that it is expedient to do so, in the interests of public security and the preservation of public order or for the maintenance of supplies and services essential to the life of the community.”

This is therefore (1) a general description of the conditions that would give occasion to the President to proclaim an emergency, along with (2) the aims – national security, public order, and maintenance of essential services – for which such powers are to be used.

 

What is the procedure for the declaration of emergency?

Under Article 155 of the Constitution, a state of emergency is brought into being by a Proclamation made by the President, which brings into operation the provisions of the PSO. This includes the power to make Emergency Regulations by the President, which may override any law, regulation, or provincial statute. Emergency Regulations however cannot override the Constitution.

The sole discretion in issuing a Proclamation declaring a state of emergency is vested in the President. But this must be communicated forthwith to Parliament, which must be summoned for the purpose. The President is empowered to issue a Proclamation that is valid for a period of one month, although he may revoke it earlier. But Parliament must approve it by a resolution within fourteen days. If Parliament does not approve the Proclamation within fourteen days, then it expires. Any continuation of a state of emergency is subject to the approval of Parliament. The President’s decision to declare a state of emergency cannot be challenged in the courts.

 

Was this procedure followed in March 2018?

Yes. The President issued the Proclamation on 6th March, effective for a period of one month. Whether or not the circumstances warranted a declaration of emergency may be debatable, but it is legally irrelevant, because that decision is at the sole discretion of the President (and in any case, on this occasion he did so in consultation with the Cabinet). He also promulgated a set of Emergency Regulations on the same day, which are quite standard. Unless Parliament approves the Proclamation by resolution within fourteen days of the Proclamation, it will expire by operation of law on 20th March. The President can either let it lapse or revoke it himself during this period. If he wants the state of emergency to extend beyond that date, he must get Parliament to approve it. A fresh Proclamation (and parliamentary approval) is needed if the state of emergency is to be extended beyond the initial one month.

 

What are the legal effects of a state of emergency?

The most significant power under a state of emergency is the general law-making power given to the President in the form of Emergency Regulations, which may override any law except the Constitution. This extraordinary power is unusual in that it impacts on the Separation of Powers. Normally, it is only the legislature and not the executive that can make law. Although sometimes the power to make rules is delegated on the executive by some Acts of Parliament, such rules cannot override law. These two aspects – that they are made by the President and that they prevail over other laws – give Emergency Regulations their special character. However, it is also important to remember that Parliament can at any time revoke or amend any Emergency Regulation by resolution. Likewise, the courts will under certain circumstances annul Emergency Regulations that violate the Constitution.

The PSO enumerates various purposes for which Emergency Regulations may be made. These include provision for the detention of persons, commandeering and acquisition of private property, entry and search, and hearings, appeals and compensation for those affected by the regulations. Other than the power to make Emergency Regulations, the PSO also sets down the special powers of the President during a state of emergency, including calling out the armed forces in aid of the civil power, the procedure for arrest, detention and executive review of detention, and the suspension of certain safeguards for the liberty of the individual in the Code of Criminal Procedure.

 

To what extent are citizens’ rights curtailed in this period?

There are a number of criminal law rights that may be curtailed under the PSO, as noted above. The Constitution also permits restrictions to be placed on fundamental rights through Emergency Regulations.

The freedom of thought and conscience, the prohibition of torture, and the right to be heard at a fair trial by a competent court (but excluding pre-trial detention which can be imposed by Emergency Regulations) are not subject to any restriction and are thereby to be considered absolute. These therefore may never be restricted by Emergency Regulations.

The fundamental rights that may be restricted by law (including Emergency Regulations) in the interests of national security and public order are: the presumption of innocence, the burden of proof, and retroactive penal sanctions; equality before the law and non-discrimination; the ordinary procedure for arrests and judicial sanction for detention; and the fundamental rights to freedom of expression, assembly, association, movement, occupation, religion, culture and language.

The Constitution does not establish substantive controls on the extent to which these fundamental rights may be restricted, except that they be imposed by law (for which purpose, ‘law’ includes Emergency Regulations, and is therefore not a control at all). Thus, for example, there is no constitutional requirement that the restriction be proportionate to the harm sought to be averted, and it falls entirely to the goodwill of the executive to act responsibly and/or the courts’ willingness to enforce the rule of law and fundamental rights. Sri Lanka does not have a reassuring record on either.

Independently of emergency powers, the government also has recourse to the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). These antiterrorism powers are extensive, and their use is not subject to the formal requirement of continuous parliamentary approval as in the case of emergency powers.

 

How does the Sri Lankan legal framework for states of emergency align with international standards?

The Sri Lankan framework complies with international standards insofar as it requires a formal proclamation, parliamentary approval for declaration and extension, and there is some judicial oversight over the exercise of emergency powers. However, Parliament is not very good at holding the executive to account even in conditions of normalcy, and historically, it has been even less effective in times of crisis. Presidents usually are also the leaders of the party enjoying the majority of seats in Parliament, and this prevents meaningful scrutiny and accountability of presidential action. The Supreme Court has a mixed record as a checking mechanism. Some judges in the past have been robust especially in the protection of fundamental rights against abuses through emergency powers. At other times, the courts have failed to check the executive through excessive deference.

The Sri Lankan law is not in line with a number of international standards. The Constitution permits restrictions to be placed on a number of fundamental rights through emergency powers which are not allowed by international best practice, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Sri Lanka is state-party. As already noted, the Constitution also does not require restrictions on fundamental rights to be proportionate to the legitimate aims of national security. Although this principle has been judicially recognised by the Supreme Court on some occasions, it is not applied uniformly. There is no requirement in Sri Lankan law that emergency measures be consistent with the state’s international obligations, in particular, international humanitarian law and law of armed conflict. Likewise, the Constitution expressly permits restrictions to be placed on the right to non-discrimination during a state of emergency, which is clearly contrary to international human rights law. However, it is required by the ICCPR that a state-party derogating from rights during an emergency should immediately inform other state-parties through the UN Secretary General and Sri Lanka has frequently made these derogation notifications in previous states of emergency.

 

What concerns are raised by the past experience of states of emergency?

Many of the widespread abuses during past emergency periods occurred in the context of a protracted war. Emergency powers frameworks in democratic constitutions – including ours despite all its defects – are predicated on the central distinction between times of ‘normality’ and ‘exceptional’ times of crisis. It is the recognition that exceptional times and crises demand exceptional responses that justifies the grant of extraordinary powers to the executive as well as the restriction of fundamental rights. What happens in conditions of protracted conflict is that the ‘exception’ becomes the ‘normal’, and emergency rule becomes normalised for both the government and citizens who get used to it. This has long-term effects on a society.

We no longer have an active conflict to justify the prolongation of a state of emergency, so it seems likely that the current state of emergency will either lapse or be revoked sooner rather than later. However, this begs deeper questions about the circumstances that necessitated – in the mind of the government – the invocation of these powers. These include the lack of post-conflict reconciliation and inability to embrace diversity, the culture of criminal impunity and selective application of the law, the social tolerance of violence, the deficiencies of the police in relation to their basic responsibility to maintain law and order, the impotence of secular authority in face of religious power, and the similarly medieval ignorance and superstition that allows atavistic tribalism to thrive in our society.

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This brief was prepared by CPA Research Fellow Dr. Asanga Welikala. He has previously authored A State of Permanent Crisis: Constitutional Government, Fundamental Rights and States of Emergency in Sri Lanka, States of Emergency: Issues for Constitutional Design and The state of Emergency in Peacetime.

 

 

CPA Calls Authorities to Take Swift Action to Prevent Further Violence and to Arrest and Prosecute Individuals Advocating National, Racial and Religious Hatred

March 06th 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) condemns the recent violence unleashed against the Muslim community, which has now claimed the life of Abdul Basith, a youth from Teldeniya and destroyed several Muslim homes and businesses as well as several mosques in the Kandy area. This recent spate of violence accompanied by the incitement of racial and religious hatred is orchestrated as attested to by video footage on social media and statements made by government ministers. According to media reports, the current violence commenced as a consequence of a personal dispute between M.G. Kumarasinghe and a group of Muslim men on 22nd February, which on 3rd March cost Mr. Kumarasinghe his life. The present violence ensued soon thereafter.Media also reported that those accused of attacking Mr. Kumarasinghe were immediately arrested and placed in remand custody.This must be followed by prosecutions in adherence to the law.

CPA is also deeply concerned by the viral circulation of video clips inciting violence against the Muslim community. CPA is in possession of several such clips including one by a person claiming to be a Buddhist monk.The individual in the video uses demonstrably false information as fact to incite violence against the Muslim community and accuses the Chief Prelates of favouring Muslims over Buddhists.

CPA calls on citizens from all communities to refrain from inciting further violence and on the authorities to take swift action to both arrest and prosecute perpetrators within the existing legal framework. Inaction or half-hearted action at this critical junction will deepen mistrust, fear and tension within and among communities, fuel hate and violence and cement a culture of impunity.

The recent incidents in the Kandy area and Ampara are not isolated incidents but highlight the persistence and increase of communal tensions in post-war Sri Lanka. Despite CPA citing the relevant legal provisions when calling upon the law and order authorities to arrest and prosecute perpetrators, including those responsible for the production and circulation of inflammatory videos and hate speech, no prosecutions have to date resulted in any convictions.Yet again, in the spirit of constructive engagement, CPA has today dispatched another letter to the relevant authorities calling for swift and decisive action. If the relevant law enforcement authorities cannot or will not take necessary action, CPA is of the firm belief that they should resign their office or be removed in accordance with the law.  The gravity of the situation, the growing perception of government inability to fulfill it responsibilities in respect of reconciliation, the prevention of religious and ethnic violence and intolerance and the maintenance of law and order, demands no less.

Considering Sri Lanka’s history of violence, these recent events and statements made by individuals inciting racial and religious hatred should not be taken lightly. Immediate action must be taken to arrest this behaviour, which actively plays on the fears of people and seeks to channel that fear to harm persons of other ethnic and religious communities. Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and multi –religious country and should be strongly defended as such without fear or favour. In all of this, the President and Prime Minister must give decisive and unequivocal leadership to prevent any future violence, uphold the rule of law and halt the fast erosion of an increasingly fragile peace in post-war Sri Lanka.

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Download the statement in English, Sinhala & Tamil.

CPA Strongly Condemns Recent Violence in Ampara and Urges Swift Action by Authorities

28th February 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) strongly condemns the recent attacks on a mosque and several places of business in Ampara on the 26th of February and urges the relevant authorities to take action to prevent the spread of violence and to hold perpetrators to account within the existing legal framework in Sri Lanka.

CPA notes the systematic hate campaigns that have targeted minorities in the post-war context and that despite complaints against such incidents and as highlighted by CPA, the existence of adequate legal provisions in the Sri Lankan legal framework, perpetrators have almost never been arrested and prosecuted. Furthermore, there is also abundant video evidence related to such incidents, often disseminated by those claiming to be the perpetrators themselves or by those associated with the perpetrators. In this context of continued failure by the Police, CPA strongly urges the Prime Minister, as the Minister of Law and Order, to ensure that the Police fulfills its responsibilities without fear or favour.

Whilst there has been condemnation by key actors in government, including by President Maithripala Sirisena who condemned the recent incident when he spoke yesterday (27th) at the launch of National Policy on Reconciliation & Co-existence, words must be followed by action to prevent any future violence, eradicate impunity and provide confidence to minorities that this government is committed to coexistence and reconciliation. Inaction at this pivotal juncture in our 70th year of independence will retard the prospects for genuine peace and reconciliation in Sri Lanka.

Download the statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

 

 

 

Civil Society Statement on the Office on Missing Persons

2nd February 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: We the undersigned wish to express our deep disappointment in the process through which the legislation on the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) was enacted and the Office operationalised. Following the co-sponsoring of UN Human Rights Council resolution 30/1 in 2015, the Government of Sri Lanka made firm promises to establish the OMP by law, appoint credible and competent members to it and allocate adequate resources for its functioning. We appreciate the enactment of the OMP Act in August 2016. However, we have been concerned about the protracted delay in operationalizing the Office as well as the flawed process through which the OMP Act is being implemented.  We are also disturbed by the lack of transparency in the appointment of the OMP members.

From the very outset, the Government of Sri Lanka adopted a flawed process with respect to the enactment and operationalization of the OMP Act. It appointed a Consultation Task Force to consult the public on the proposed transitional justice mechanisms, including the OMP; yet, to the disillusionment of those who made representations to the Task Force, the government enacted the OMP Act before the publication of the Final Report of the Task Force. Despite this initial rush in enacting the OMP Act, the President took nearly a year to assign the Act to a particular ministry. The President’s decision to assign the Act to himself in his capacity as Minister of National Integration and Reconciliation, despite serious doubts raised regarding the constitutionality of his decision, is also cause for concern. To date, the OMP members are yet to be appointed with no public information on the process of selection.

We wish to express further concerns regarding this appointment process. The Constitutional Council called for applications, and recommended seven names to be appointed by the President in terms of section 4 of the OMP Act. We observe that the President is bound under section 5 of the Act to appoint the chairperson and OMP members within fourteen days of receiving the Constitutional Council’s recommendations. However, while this delay has lapsed, the names of the OMP members have not been publicly released. Furthermore, the overall appointment process has thus far lacked transparency, contrary to what was specifically recommended by the Consultation Task Force.

The operationalization of the OMP is the first significant step taken by the Sri Lankan government to fulfil its promises with respect to the broader reconciliation agenda which it committed to, including through the co-sponsoring of UN Human Rights Council resolution 30/1. As such, compliance with due process and transparency requirements is essential to ensure affected families’ and civil society’s trust in the government’s commitment to implement resolution 30/1.  Indeed, the protracted delay in the establishment of the OMP compounded with procedural flaws observed thus far have contributed to eroding affected families’ confidence in the institution.

We hereby call upon the Constitutional Council and the President to fully abide by the principle of transparency and publicly disclose the list of OMP members, including the chairperson, and the process through which such members were selected. Finally, we call upon the Government of Sri Lanka to ensure that such appointments are fully compliant with the spirit and letter of the OMP Act. In particular, specific attention must be paid to the credibility, experience and expertise of the members.

Download the statement and list of signatures. 

Human Rights Commitments made by the Government of Sri Lanka and Ways Forward

2018 is a significant year for Sri Lanka. The country marks the 70th anniversary of its independence on the 4th of February. Long overdue and much anticipated local government elections will take place under a new electoral system a week later on the 10th of February. These elections will be the first under the government elected in January 2015; the first to be conducted by the independent Election Commission established under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution in April 2015; and the first with a historic 25% allocation of seats for women. They will be followed by Provincial Council elections later in the year and depending on constitutional reform, a Presidential Election in 2019, and a General Election in 2020. The results of these elections will impact the course of constitutional reform and transitional justice, the latter half of the Sirisena presidency and the future of the National Unity Government. Limited steps towards improving human rights have been taken by the current government, but the pace of progress has slowed substantially, with persistent regressive moves imperilling human rights. Further, there is widespread concern about the status of promised constitutional reforms and transitional justice processes. Consequently, the government’s commitment to the broad reform agenda it was elected on is in serious doubt.

This year is also a crucial year in the context of a number of important deadlines established through Sri Lanka’s participation in international human rights mechanisms. Of these, UNHRC Resolution 30/1 of 2015 remains a key document concerning human rights, transitional justice and reconciliation in the country, committing the government to enact a comprehensive set of measures by the extended deadline of March 2019. Sri Lanka’s human rights record was also reviewed in the third cycle of the UN’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process in November 2017, where the country made 12 voluntary pledges and supported 177 recommendations thereby accepting a diverse range obligations. Additionally, Sri Lanka’s re-entry into the European Union’s (EU) GSP+ scheme in 2017 provides trade concessions from the EU on condition of improving compliance with 27 international conventions. This expansive body of international commitments is reaffirmed domestically by the National Human Rights Action Plan 2017-21 (NHRAP). Additionally, recommendations made in the report of the Consultation Task Force as well as benchmarks created by civil society actors create a substantive framework and timeline for progress on human rights in Sri Lanka.

In the context of these key milestones and deadlines there must be reflection on present human rights commitments, the status of their implementation and specific timeframes for their possible implementation. The Centre for Policy Alternatives has prepared this report as a reflection of the commitments and action that is possible within particular time periods with the purpose of encouraging their full implementation.

Download the report in English.

Civil Society Statement – 70 Years of Independence

February 4th 2018 marks 70 years of Sri Lanka’s independence. The upcoming anniversary will be celebrated, similar to the years before, by the state and some sections of society with pomp and pageantry. However, despite Sri Lanka being a formal functioning democracy with enviable social welfare indices, our post-independence history has been punctuated by struggles for justice and equality and armed insurrections against the state. These were met with brutal state repression, restrictions placed on civil liberties and violations of human rights. Tens of thousands were killed or unaccounted for and many more displaced and disappeared. The State’s failure to recognize and uphold individual and collective rights has resulted in a deficit in democratic governance and a deeply divided society. Thus, it is imperative that Independence Day celebrations are tempered by a sincere attempt to reflect on post-colonial failings and our aspirations for a more just, fair, peaceful, and inclusive society.

Despite seven decades of independence, grievances among victims and affected communities are many, as attested to at present by continuing protests across the country on a number of issues including militarization, the occupation of land, enforced disappearances and prisoners’ rights. On a daily basis, communities face the
challenge of a deeply entrenched security state, a pervasive military presence with ongoing violence, threats, surveillance, and ineffectual law enforcement. Progress on releasing political prisoners has been slow and unsatisfactory. Human rights defenders and journalists continue to face threats, intimidation, and other restrictions. Impunity for crimes committed by state agents or politicians is rampant and truth, justice and redress for victims remain elusive in many cases. Discriminatory laws, practices and violence on account of religion, ethnicity, sexual orientation, disabilities or gender are common place and we continue to witness attempts to curtail civil liberties through flawed attempts at replacing legislation such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

The change in January 2015 was projected as a victory for democracy with the ambitious promise of a new political culture, a vindication of civil society struggles in this regard. A new constitution, mechanisms for transitional justice, a government free of corruption and committed to good governance, were promised. But we continue to be faced with numerous challenges including financial scandals, weak and politicized institutions that impede accountability and transparency and challenges to coexistence and reconciliation. While legislative and constitutional reforms—such as the adoption of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution and the Right to Information Act—and some confidence building measures must be welcomed, further reforms are necessary if independence is to be truly enjoyed by all citizens.

Whilst we mark this important milestone in Sri Lanka, we take the opportunity to reiterate our demands for a political solution to the National Question, respect for human rights and civil liberties, protection of all numerical minorities, upholding the rule of law, ending impunity and discrimination and ushering in genuine peace, reconciliation and sustainable development.

See a list of signatures on this statement here.

Download this statement in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

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The following persons can be contacted for any questions or comments regarding the statements-

Dr. P. Saravanamuttu- 0777731458
Juwairiya Mohideen- 0777284058
Ruki Fernando- 0773874160
Brito Fernando- 0772072540
Bhavani Fonseka- 0777239593

Watch a video compiling the key issues highlighted in the statement below.

Sri Lanka at 70 from Centre for Policy Alternatives on Vimeo.

Two Fundamental Rights Petitions Challenging Excise Notification No 4/2018

Violation of Rights Guaranteed under the Constitution of Sri Lanka

23rd January 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Two Fundamental Rights Petitions were filed challenging the validity of Excise Notification No 4/2018 of the Gazette Extraordinary No. 2054-42 issued by the Minister in charge of the Ministry of Finance and Media on 18th January 2018. The effect of Excise Notification No 4/2018 is to reintroduce:

  • The prohibition on women above the age of 18 to manufacture, collect, bottle, sell or transport liquor.
  • The prohibition on women above the age of 18 from being employed for manufacturing, collecting, bottling, sale or transport of liquor.
  • The prohibition on “giving” liquor to “a woman within the premises of a tavern”.

The two Petitions were filed on the basis of the violation of specific rights guaranteed under the Fundamental Rights Chapter in the Constitution of Sri Lanka. The position of both Petitions is that regardless of whether a woman actually engages in these activities, her constitutional right to make that choice for herself should be respected to the same extent as that of a man.

The first Petition was filed by five women on their own behalf and in the public interest. They are Bhavani Fonseka, Sumika Perera, Anusha Coomaraswamy, Shreen Saroor and Minoli de Zoysa. The five petitioners assert that Excise Notification No 4/2018 is a violation of their rights guaranteed under Article 10 [freedom of thought], Article 12(1) [equal protection of the law], Article 12(2) [non discrimination] and Article 14(1)(g) [freedom to engage in a lawful occupation, profession].

The second petition was filed in the public interest by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr P. Saravanamuttu. The petition alleges that the prohibition violates the rights guaranteed under Article 10, 12(1) and 12(2) of women above the age of 18 who constitute a significant segment of the People of Sri Lanka.

International and Domestic Commitments

In addition to the violation of certain rights guaranteed under the Constitution, the prohibition is contrary to a range of commitments made by the Government of Sri Lanka including at a minimum the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). CEDAW fundamentally makes all forms of discrimination against women a breach of international law. Two key recommendations made in the CEDAW Committee’s 2017 report to Sri Lanka were to ensure the de facto prohibition of discrimination against women, and to review all legislation for conformity with CEDAW. It was also recommended that the state

accord statutory recognition to the right to equality and non-discrimination, and ensure that all CEDAW provisions are enforceable.[1]

The National Human Rights Action Plan 2017-21 (NHRAP), which provides a detailed plan for human rights protection in Sri Lanka, includes gender equality as a key theme. The NHRAP affirms that “the government is currently working towards achieving gender equality through the enactment of gender sensitive laws, formulation of policy and through action plans.”

Furthermore, in May 2017, Sri Lanka regained inclusion into the European Union’s (EU) Generalised Scheme of Preferences (GSP+). The scheme vastly reduces duties on exports to the EU on the condition of improving compliance with 27 international conventions, including CEDAW.

Finally, Sri Lanka also adopted the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in September 2015.[2] In particular, Goal 5 seeks to “Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls”. This includes commitments to end all forms of discrimination (5.1) and ensure that policies and enforceable legislation promote gender equality and empowerment (5.c). The GOSL has highlighted its commitment to the goals in a range of domestic processes, including the NHRAP and government policy, and will be subject to international follow-up and review of the SDG commitments in coming years.

[1] CEDAW Country Report 2017 para 12.

[2] United Nations Resolution A/RES/70/1

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Download this statement in English Sinhala and Tamil.

CPA Statement in Response to Supreme Court Reference 01/2018

11 January 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) made representations today on behalf of itself and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, intervening in the reference made by President Maithripala Sirisena to the Supreme Court regarding his term of office as President.

On 8 January 2018, media reports indicated that President Sirisena had sought an opinion from the Supreme Court under Article 129(1) of the Constitution asking:

“Whether, in terms of Provisions of the Constitution, I, as the person elected and succeeding to the office of President and having assumed such office in terms of Article 32(1) of the Constitution on January 9 2015, have any impediment to continue in the office of President for a period of six years from January 9 2015, the date on which the result of my election to the office of President was declared”

The case was listed for 11 January 2018, and the Supreme Court’s opinion is to be communicated to the President on 14 January 2018.

CPA’s position on the 19th Amendment to the Constitution is very clear. The Amendment makes express provision that the President’s term is limited to five years:

Article 30(2) of the Constitution: The President of the Republic shall be elected by the  People, and shall hold office for a term of five years.

Further, the Amendment’s transitional provisions explicitly state that this five-year term limit applies equally to the sitting President:

Section 49(1)(b) of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution: For the avoidance of doubt it is hereby declared that … the persons holding  office  respectively,  as  the President  and  Prime  Minister  on  the  day  preceding April 22, 2015 shall continue to hold such office after  such  date,  subject  to  the  provisions  of  the Constitution as amended by this Act. (emphasis added).

Furthermore the 19th Amendment to the Constitution clearly states which parts of the amendment do not apply to President Sirisena as the incumbent President and the reduction of the term of office is not such a provision (Section 51 of the 19th Amendment). Accordingly, President Sirisena’s term must be understood as being for five years from 9 January 2015 (i.e. until 9 January 2020) and not for six years (i.e. until 9 January 2021).

CPA notes that in the lead up to the enactment of the 19th Amendment in 2015, President Sirisena himself noted that the reduced Presidential term of five years will apply to himself. CPA hopes the President is mindful of his earlier assertions. CPA also urges constitutional and political actors to act in a manner that upholds the spirit of the 19th Amendment.

CPA appreciates that the Chief Justice and the other judges of the Supreme Court facilitated and permitted interventions from members of the public to make representations in this instance. CPA notes that there have been previous occasions wherein only the Attorney General was heard during similar proceedings. CPA has consistently stated that the process in Article 129 (1) of the Constitution relating to a reference could lead to a lack of transparency. As such CPA respectfully calls on the Supreme Court to ensure that the ensuing Advisory Opinion is made public.

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Download a PDF of this statement in EnglishTamil and Sinhala.

View the Written Submissions of Intervenient-Petitioners here.

PRESS RELEASE: Despite growing challenges to democracy, data reveals that globally democracy is not in decline, according to new International IDEA publication.

11th December 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka –The world has experienced continued and steep democratic progress, however this progress has slowed down over the past decade.  Challenges and threats have emerged in specific countries and regions, according to the first edition of The Global State of Democracy publication from The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA). Now, democracy is at a crossroads and continuous actions must be taken to safeguard and protect it.

International IDEA’s Global State of Democracy publication, based on the new Global State of Democracy indices, highlights that almost all aspects of democracy have advanced over the past four decades. Most electoral democracies established in this period survived, and the number and proportion of countries holding elections have increased. Governments are now more representative of (and responsive to) their constituencies, more countries respect the fundamental rights of their citizens, and social rights and equality feature sharp improvements. More importantly, governments are more constrained by checks from parliaments, the judiciary and the media. In addition, according to International IDEA’s analysis, the value people give to democracy is strengthened when democratic backsliding occurs. The most difficult aspects for democracies to tackle are corruption and rule of law, which have not improved since 1975.

The first edition of The Global State of Democracy publication analyses and assesses emerging challenges and threats. It is based on a new set of indices that collect data on key attributes of democracy across 155 countries from 1975 to 2015. The starting point of 1975 coincides with the ratification of the United Nations Conventions on Civil and Political Rights as well as Economic and Social Rights and the so-called ‘Third Wave of Democracy’. Zooming-in on some of the most pressing crises for democracy today, the publication provides insights into the future of political parties and representation, corruption and money in politics, inequality, migration, and post-conflict peacebuilding. The publication provides actionable recommendations for citizens, politicians and technocrats worldwide in their efforts to combat these threats.

“We see the challenges to our democracy in our daily news. There are cases of national leaders attempting to retain power beyond constitutional limits, attacks on human rights, and the rollback of civil liberties and freedom of the press”, said Yves Leterme, International IDEA Secretary-General.  “International IDEA is concerned about the rise of challenges to democracy. Our role—every citizen’s role—is to protect democracy.”

A regional launch of The Global State of Democracy: Exploring Democracy’s Resilience will be held at the Asia-Pacific Conference on Resilience of Democracy: “21st Century Solutions for 21st Century Challenges to Democracy”, organised at   Mövenpick Hotel, Colombo, Sri Lanka on 13-14 December 2017. The conference brings together policymakers, experts, academics, civil society groups and young professionals from across the Asia-Pacific region to discuss innovative, actionable solutions to the challenges of democracy as identified in the Global State of Democracy publication.

The conference will focus on three themes: 1) democracy’s resilience to backsliding, 2) influence of money in politics, corruption, and 3) inclusive peacebuilding in conflict-affected states. A special panel session composed of high-level officials and experts highlights the second day of the conference bringing state of democracy in Sri Lanka on focus as well.

The regional launch is organized by International IDEA, the Center for Policy Alternatives (CPA),and Democracy Reporting International (DRI)

The publication is available in English, both in print and online. An overview of the publication will be available in English, Spanish, French and Arabic. Explore the publication’s website and the indices to learn more about the quality of democracy, comparing countries and regions.

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The Global State of Democracy publication
The Global State of Democracy is a biennial publication analysing and assessing the state of democracy around the world based on data from the Global State of Democracyindices. The publication includes an overview of global and regional democracy trends and developments, current challenges and crises, as well as evidence-based and actionable recommendations for policy makers and democracy practitioners worldwide.

The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 
The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) is an intergovernmental organization that supports sustainable democracy worldwide. International IDEA’s mission is to support sustainable democratic change by providing comparative knowledge, and assisting in democratic reform, and influencing policies and politics. International IDEA produces comparative knowledge in its key areas of expertise: electoral processes, constitution-building, and political participation and representation, as well as democracy as it relates to gender, diversity, and conflict and security. For more information, visit www.idea.int
Media Contact: Raul Cordenillo, [email protected], Tel: +46 8 698 37 75

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) 
The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) was formed in the firm belief that there is an urgent need to strengthen institution and capacity-building for good governance and conflict transformation in Sri Lanka and that non-partisan civil society groups have an important and constructive contribution to make to this process. The primary role envisaged for the Centre in the field of public policy is a pro-active and interventionary one, aimed at the dissemination and advocacy of policy alternatives for non-violent conflict resolution and democratic governance. Accordingly, the work of the Centre involves a major research component through which the policy alternatives advocated are identified and developed.
Media Contact: Amalini De Sayrah, [email protected], Tel: +94 775090087

Programme Contact: Nathalie Ebead, [email protected]

            

Selective Memory: Erasure & memorialisation in Sri Lanka’s North

23rd November, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The insurrections of the 1970s, the riots of 1983 and the 30-year conflict – all which have immeasurably shaped the country’s history and have far more reaching consequence for its future – are glaringly absent from the history syllabus of the Sri Lankan education system. Textbooks are one way of teaching history and memorialisation. So too are the physical expressions of history and of memory, in the monuments we have built to tell the stories of our past. As with the lessons that we teach the younger generations, the Sri Lankan State’s practice is selective here too.

From schoolbooks to statute and statues, this erasure of the country’s violent recent history is reflective of deliberate State amnesia on the part of successive governments and a convenient approach to dealing with the past – without confronting its horrors – by way of denial. The atrocities witnessed, especially by those living in the combat zones of the Northern Province, and the drastic losses faced by the communities have been reduced to monuments that tell only one, partial story – that of the glorious victories of the armed forces.

The monuments do not account for the multiple narratives and truths around experiences of the conflict. The State-sponsored memorials were not built with any consultation from the communities that live in the immediate vicinity. Communities whose histories are linked to these places and what they were before the conflict, and whose everyday realities are linked to these places and what they are after the conflict.

For people from the South in general, it may be difficult to understand why these memorials are so out of place and violent. For the people living around them, the monuments are a living reminder of the painful recent past which prevent them from ‘moving on’ in any sense.

The impact of these memorials is inextricably linked to the patterns of militarization and land occupation that remain in the Northern Province, eight years after the conflict came to an end. Taking into consideration the ground realities that persist for residents of these areas, issues that have gone unaddressed by several governments, sustained marginalization of this nature, if left unaddressed, has the potential to fuel renewed cycles of conflict.

Access this story made on Microsoft Sway here or view the embed below.

On the blocking of Lanka E News website in Sri Lanka

13th November 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes with concern the inaccessibility of online news website Lanka E News from within Sri Lanka since 8th November 2017. AFP reports that the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission of Sri Lanka (TRCSL) had ordered internet service providers “to block Lanka E News”. Mainstream media in Sri Lanka reported that President’s Counsel Hemantha Warnakulasuriya, in his capacity as a member of the TRCSL, had strongly defended the decision to block the website, calling the operation of the website, in his opinion, “illegal”. Network measurements conducted by CPA on the independent online censorship monitoring service run by the Open Observatory of Network Interference (OONI) confirm that Lanka E News is blocked in the country.

Whether by executive order or based on a unilateral decision by the TRCSL, CPA notes that the blocking of Lanka E News has not followed due process and is completely extra-judicial in nature. Revealingly, the move comes soon after a public pronouncement by Government Spokesperson Rajitha Senaratne requesting the President to arrest those who post abusive language or content criticising him on social media and websites. Mr. Senaratne went on to note that one could criticise the President, but not personally abuse him.

The recent action and statements by government officials and Ministers constitute a direct and real threat to the open questioning of political leadership and official policies, the very foundation of yahapalanaya. The renewed extra-judicial blocking of websites sadly mirrors the awful tactics adopted by the Rajapaksa regime to quell dissent and suppress inconvenient truths. Domestic and international media watchdogs at the time regularly flagged online censorship as a means through which the Rajapaksa regime controlled the flow of news and information, in addition to other more violent means.

CPA stresses that due process and the Rule of Law need to be followed when dealing with any inaccurate, false or defamatory content. The arbitrary, extra-judicial blocking of websites runs counter to the mandate given to the government in January 2015 to strengthen and secure dissent, debate and dialogue. We also note that online censorship often leads to the Streisand Effect, where what is sought to be hidden or made inaccessible becomes that much more credible and visible, a result that is precisely the opposite of what is intended.

Furthermore, CPA strongly cautions the government that online surveillance and censorship contribute to a chilling effect on democratic dialogue. This in turn places vital processes like an online referendum, proposed by the Prime Minister recently, on the Interim Report of the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly, at great risk of failure and rejection.

We call upon the government and TRCSL to instruct all ISPs to immediately suspend the blocking of Lanka E News. ISPs in Sri Lanka are urged to use the full weight of the law to combat arbitrary orders from the State that violate rights of customers to freely access information online. We also call upon the government to conduct effective and sustained media and information literacy programmes as an effective counter against the spread of disinformation and fake news.

Education and awareness, not censorship, are the keys to a healthy democracy.

Download this release in English and Tamil.

Response to the Venerable Bellanwila Wimalaratne Thero’s Comments on the Centre for Policy Alternatives

2 November 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: On Saturday 28th October, both Hiru and Ada Derana News broadcast ideas about the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) expressed by the Venerable Bellanwila Wimalaratne Thero. Addressing a conference of Bikkhus at the Dhammikaramaya in Ratmalana on the proposed new constitution, the Venerable Thero stated that CPA and its Executive Director Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu are behind “constitutional courts” and are “pumping” the constitutional reform process with “NGO money”. A report to this effect was also published in the Lankadeepa newspaper on 1st November 2017.

CPA strongly rejects the statement made by the Venerable Thero. His comments unfortunately associate him with the extremist opponents of the constitutional reform process. These extremists have labelled supporters of a new constitution “traitors”, threatened them with death and called for Parliament to be bombed if a new constitution is passed by its members. In this context, CPA is appalled and saddened by these remarks of such a highly respected member of the Sangha.

CPA also notes that the Venerable Thero does not produce any evidence in respect of the allegations made against CPA and its Executive Director’s purported role in the constitutional reform process. Accordingly, CPA regrets to have to state that such remarks by such a personage are alarmingly irresponsible and even inflammatory.

Our shock and sadness in this regard are compounded by the fact that the Venerable Thero made a deeply respected contribution to our ‘Never Again’ public interest television campaign in 2008 marking the 25th anniversary of Black July, the central message of which was non-violence and peaceful coexistence amongst all the peoples of our country.

In keeping with its non-partisan organisational mandate, CPA has engaged in strengthening good governance and democracy in Sri Lanka since its inception in 1996. CPA will continue to work on research and advocacy to build broad public support for a new constitution.

CPA fervently hopes that the public debate on the new constitution can be carried out without misinformation, insinuations and threats of violence, which are all reminiscent of the recent past. We believe our country needs a new constitution that meets the aspirations of all of its peoples and comprehensively rejects the politics of hurt, harm and hate. We strongly appeal to our fellow citizens, politicians and all religious leaders to engage in and lead an informed, responsible and constructive debate on this pivotal issue.

Download this release in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

CPA Statement on the Release of the Interim Report of the Steering Committee to the Constitutional Assembly

26th September 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) welcomes the presentation of the Interim Report of the Steering Committee to the Constitutional Assembly on 21st September 2017. CPA now calls on the government to firmly commit to the next steps of the constitutional reform process, including by providing clear dates on when the next debates of the Constitutional Assembly will occur; when the Final Report accompanied by the Draft Constitutional Proposal will be released; and when the consideration and approval of the Draft Constitutional Proposal is scheduled. CPA also calls for clarity on if further public consultation on either the Interim Report or the Final Report and Draft Constitutional Proposal is planned.

A clear roadmap and commitment to the remaining stages of the constitutional reform process is essential. CPA notes with concern, as it has repeatedly done, the lack of clarity, insufficient prioritisation and accordingly, immediacy, with regard to the process, particularly over the course of this year. The Interim Report was initially promised in December 2016, and therefore comes after substantial delay. The lack of information and direction about the process, even by members of the Constitutional Assembly themselves, has seemed endemic.

The absence of clarity, focus and speed has substantially blunted the momentum behind the constitutional reform process after a promising start in 2015 and over 2016. It has also allowed for a number of anti-reform forces to group and organise, and for anti-reform narratives to firmly take root. These narratives threaten not only the constitutional reform process but the government’s wider reform agenda.

The promise of the present historic moment of inclusive constitutional reform must not be squandered. Previous major constitutional reform efforts throughout Sri Lanka’s history have failed precisely due to a lack of clarity, direction and immediacy. A clear commitment to the constitutional reform process with a detailed articulation of the next steps is the only way to avoid this and to ensure that the process succeeds.

Download the statement in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

CPA statement on passage of Provincial Councils Elections Amendment Act

25th September 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is extremely concerned by the rushed and non-transparent process followed by the government to amend the Provincial Councils Elections Act. This amendment Act was passed by Parliament on 20th September 2017 with the support of more than two-thirds of the Members of Parliament. Due to a substantial number of committee-stage amendments that were adopted, the Act that was passed was materially different to the Bill that was gazetted (on 10th July 2017), tabled in Parliament (on 26th July 2017), and examined by the Supreme Court. The original Bill was only to provide for a quota of 30% for female candidates on the nomination papers submitted at Provincial Council elections. However, from the information available in the public domain (CPA has not seen the final Act) the Act that was passed changes the electoral system for elections of Provincial Councils and provides for a quota of 25% for women in all Provincial Councils.

At the outset, CPA notes that changing the electoral system to a Mixed Member Proportional system and the introduction of a quota for women in Provincial Councils are both welcome changes. However, the rushed manner in which these changes were made is contrary to the principle of representative democracy. The amendments, which completely changed the policy behind the Bills, were not made public to allow for any public debate or scrutiny, and were not subject to discussion even at the relevant Sectoral Oversight Committee. This procedure is particularly problematic when engaging in complex issues such as electoral reform, which requires complicated political compromises and mathematical formulae to be translated into legislative language.  Special care needs to be taken to ensure that the legislation drafted is not unworkable. Although what the government did was technically legal, the procedure adopted sets a bad precedent and brings into question the government’s commitment to transparency in governance, and to enabling the new sectoral committee system to perform its scrutiny and accountability role in any meaningful way.

The Sri Lankan constitution allows only for a limited “pre-enactment review of Bills of Parliament” seven days after a Bill has been placed on the order paper of Parliament. By adopting the process it did, the government has taken away the right of citizens of Sri Lanka to have the proposed amendments examined by the Supreme Court. The government has thus reinforced the concerns expressed by CPA and many others about executive dominance and the lack of transparency in the law-making process. CPA reiterates that legislation should not be passed in a rushed manner and that the constitutional role of Parliament and the constitutional rights of citizens in the law-making process should be respected.

The effect of the Act would be to postpone Provincial Council elections for at least six months. This is because the new electoral system requires demarcation of constituencies, which is a complicated and often contested process. The powers of the Provincial Councils whose term of five years will expire in the meantime will be exercised by the President and/or Parliament under Article 154L and 154M of the Constitution. This seriously impacts, as well as reflects adversely upon the government’s commitment to, the principle and practice of devolution. It is also entirely possible that this gap in democratically elected institutions at the Provincial Council level could continue beyond six months and impact all Provincial Councils. This precedent could easily be used by any government that intends to cripple the Provincial Council system in the future. In this context, it is disappointing that the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) supported this Act with little regard to the considerable attack on devolution that the Twentieth Amendment Bill (now aborted) and this Act cumulatively represent.

CPA notes that this drastic procedure was adopted after the Supreme Court determined that the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution Bill would require a referendum to be enacted. This creates the perception that the government has passed this Act to postpone elections. Provincial Councils are constitutionally established, and democratically elected institutions, and it is not legitimate for the government to interfere with such devolved institutions for whimsical reasons or to overcome its own strategic blunders. The postponement of elections is a serious violation of the sovereignty of the people and should only happen in exceptional circumstances if at all. The government has articulated no such exceptional circumstances. In light of several unfulfilled promises by leaders of the government regarding the date for elections for local authorities, there is no guarantee that elections for Provincial Councils will actually happen in six months as the government promises. CPA further calls on the TNA as the main opposition party in Parliament to put pressure on the government to ensure elections take place as promised.

CPA calls on the government to abide by its promise and ensure that all necessary steps are taken to conduct local authority elections before the end of January 2018 and Provincial Council elections before end of March 2018. CPA further insists that the government engages in law-making in a transparent manner that respects citizens’ rights as well as the role of Parliament, particularly in relation to constitutional issues.

Download the full release in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

150 Years Later: The Story of Tea – campaign recap

In August 2017, we celebrated 150 years of tea production in Sri Lanka. While there was much reported in the media around celebratory events by tea producers, distributors, and the hospitality industry, and the future of Ceylon tea, there was little to no mention whatsoever of the tea plantation workers without whose contribution the industry would not exist.

With the objective of creating more visibility and awareness and to ensure that key narratives do not remain invisible during this significant anniversary, CPA’s civic media output – by way of Groundviews, Vikalpa and Maatram – were anchored to key issues facing the tea plantation workers to coincide with the 150-year anniversary celebrations, as it is important to consider issues faced by the workers who sustain the industry. The output focused on the change (or lack thereof) in the lives of the workers 150 years since the start of the industry, including a plethora of issues faced by them and their families, challenges for the future, areas for reform and strengthening rights. Content is in all three languages, through short-form video, photography, long-form journalism and other interactive media, and has been compiled below.

This project was supported by Democracy Reporting International.

#GlobalCeylonTeaParty | ‘අපි මේ රටේ පුරවැසියෝ නෙමෙයිද?’ [Video]

#GlobalCeylonTeaParty | හැම ‘තේ’ කෝප්පයකම යට ‘කඳුළු කතාවක්’ තියනවා

 

150 வருட பூர்த்தி: உரிமைகளை பெறுவதில் அந்நியப்படுத்தப்பட்டுள்ள தோட்டத் தொழிலாளர்கள்

“வலிச்சா வௌக்கெண்ணதான் மருந்து…” (புகைப்படக்கட்டுரை)

“நம்ம மாதிரி கஷ்டப்படக்கூடாது, இந்த தேயிலையில…”

“பதிமூனாயிரத்துல இப்ப 500 ரூபா மட்டும்தான் மிச்சமிருக்கு…”

STORYSPHERE: “ராமசாமியையும் ராமாயியையும் ஏன் அழைக்கவில்லை…?”

STORYSPHERE: “ஹொஸ்பிட்டலுக்கு  கொண்டுபோக வாகனம் கூட இல்ல…”

 

From Tamil Nadu to Badulla: A Century in the Tea Estates of Sri Lanka

The Road to School: Access to Education in the Plantation Sector

Like Drought Parched Earth: The Painful Injuries Sustained By Tea Pluckers – content from Maatram

Roti and Rice: Examining Imbalances in Nutrition for Children in the Estate Sector

The Forgotten Brew: The Struggle for rights and representation in Sri Lanka’s low-country estates

STORYSPHERE: Education at Risk

STORYSPHERE: The Daily Journey

STORYSPHERE: In Search of Work

 

This House is not a Home: The struggle for addresses and land in the estate sector

CPA Concerned with Process to Operationalize the Office on Missing Persons (OMP)

13th September 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) raises serious concerns with the issuing of Gazette (extraordinary) No 2036/21 on 12th September 2017 by President Maithripala Sirisena qua Minister of National Integration and Reconciliation. CPA previously raised concerns when President Sirisena issued Gazette (extraordinary) 2028/45 assigning the Office on Missing Persons (Establishment, Administration And Discharge Of Functions) Act No 14 of 2016 [Office on Missing Persons Act], to the Minister of National Integration & Reconciliation.

CPA’s previous statement raised a key constitutional point in terms of the assigning of subjects or functions of ministries as provided by the 19th Amendment to the Constitution. As pointed out, prior to the 19th Amendment the President could assign to himself any subject or function not assigned to any other Cabinet Minister. This provision was repealed by the 19th Amendment. However a special exception was made for the person holding office as President on the date of commencement of the 19th Amendment. After the General Election of August 2015, the President in terms of Article 43 (2) of the Constitution issued two Gazettes appointing Members of Parliament in charge of Ministries. Thereafter in terms of Article 43 (1) of the Constitution, the President issued Gazette (extraordinary) 1933/13 dated 21st September 2015 which, assigned subjects and functions to the previously allocated Ministries. Furthermore this gazette of (1933/13 dated 21 September 2015) established a “Ministry of National Integration & Reconciliation” which had not been allocated to any Member of Parliament. However the President does not have the power to assign to himself any subjects and functions outside those specified in section 51 of the 19th Amendment. As such the parts of Gazette (extraordinary) 1933/13 dated 21st September 2015, which assigned to the President powers as the Minister of National Integration & Reconciliation are unconstitutional. Following from this, questions are raised with the two gazettes issued in July and September 2017, with the latter being issued by President Sirisena qua Minister of National Integration and Reconciliation. As a result, the legality of the act to operationalize the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) as provided under Section (1)2 of the Office on Missing Persons Act is now in question.

CPA is disappointed by what seems a complete disregard towards the constitutional framework in Sri Lanka and commitments made in 2015 to usher in good governance, rule of law, democracy and reconciliation. It is also a sad reflection of a process that has been flawed from the outset, resulting in numerous delays and obstacles in the enactment of the legislation, establishment and operationalizing of the OMP. CPA welcomed the commitment to establish the OMP, a crucial step in the search for the truth but the continuous delays and errors compounding the establishment of the OMP further exacerbate the uncertainty for thousands who continue to search for the disappeared and missing loved ones. This must be immediately addressed. CPA reiterates its previous call for swift action to correct this erroneous and arbitrary move and to ensure that the establishment and operationalizing of the OMP is done in adherence to the constitutional framework in Sri Lanka. Any exception in this regard will question the integrity of the OMP and much needed work towards addressing past abuses and impunity in Sri Lanka.

Download the release in English here, Tamil here and Sinhala here.

CPA Challenges the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution Bill

A Bill titled ‘The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution’ (the Bill) was placed on the Order Paper of Parliament on 23rd August 2017. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director filed a Petition on 28th August 2017 in the Supreme Court, stating that the Bill can only be passed in Parliament with a special majority (2/3rds of the Members of Parliament) and with the approval of the people at a referendum. Our petition is based on the following arguments:

First, the Bill fails to comply with a mandatory procedural requirement for constitutional amendments. Article 154G(2) of the Constitution requires any amendments to the devolution framework established by the Thirteenth Amendment to be referred by the President to every Provincial Council for the expression of their views before being placed on the Order Paper of Parliament. This procedure was not followed in this case. The importance of this requirement is that it enables Provincial Councils to express their views on a constitutional amendment Bill, and to give the government an opportunity to accommodate those views, before a final Bill is presented to Parliament.

Second, CPA contends that the Bill violates Article 3 of the Constitution. Article 3, which affirms the sovereignty of the people, recognises that the franchise is a part of that sovereignty. After the Thirteenth Amendment introduced devolution, this includes the right of citizens in the nine Provinces to elect a Provincial Council of their choice. The Bill negatively affects the people’s franchise because it transfers to Parliament the power of a Provincial Council to decide when that Council should be dissolved. As a result, it delays the opportunity of citizens in Provinces whose Provincial Council terms end before the “specified date” in the Bill, to vote for a new Provincial Council until then. Equally, the mandate citizens have given to Provincial Councils whose terms end after the “specified date” in the Bill is cut short by the Bill.

Following on from this, CPA further argues that the Bill may infringe Article 10 of the Constitution which affirms the freedom of thought and conscience. The Bill would restrict the ability of citizens in certain Provinces to exercise choice as their thought and conscience may dictate at a Provincial Council election. The combined effect of the Bill’s infringements of Articles 3 and 10 is a derogation of the people’s sovereignty by taking away their franchise, and consequently, a violation of their freedom of thought and conscience. The Constitution does not permit any restrictions to be placed on the freedom of thought and conscience.

CPA wishes to emphasise that, beyond its legal defects, the Bill represents a departure from several of the government’s stated promises. First, it creates the perception that Provincial Council elections are being delayed for politically expedient reasons as the government is postponing facing the electorate. This runs counter to the government’s promise to uphold democracy and respect the will of the people, and to facilitate the electoral process in a non-partisan manner. The Bill also backtracks on devolution by taking away the power of Provincial Councils. This contradicts the government’s promise to ensure maximum devolution within a unitary state. The Bill undermines the Thirteenth Amendment and proceeding with it would call into question not only the government’s commitment to devolution, but also its political integrity, and its commitment to democracy.

 

This House is not a Home: The struggle for addresses and land in the estate sector

The workers of Sri Lanka’s tea estates have faced a myriad of challenges for as long as the industry has existed. A century and a half since the first plantations were introduced, these challenges still persist, along with several others that have arisen over time.

Conditions in the estate sector continue almost unchanged, despite post-war development drives coupled with promises from government to uplift their standards of living and work. Exemplifying the administrative neglect of these communities is the fact that many plantation sector workers have never had a permanent contact address to their name.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives, along with several local partner organisations, has worked on projects aimed at bringing dignity to this marginalised community through obtaining addresses for each home.

Access the content here – it is also embedded below.

This House is not a Home


August 2017 marks 150 years of tea production in Sri Lanka. To mark this anniversary, there have been several celebratory activities and events planned throughout the year, including a Global Tea Party, International Tea Convention and a charity auction. While there has been much reported in the media around these events, there has been little mention of the tea plantation workers without whose contribution the industry would not exist. With this in mind, Groundviews, Maatram and Vikalpa – the Civic Media network of the Centre for Policy Alternatives – will be creating a series of features aimed at raising awareness around the hardships faced by workers and their families.

150 Years Later: the story of tea

11 August 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: In 2017, we celebrate 150 years of tea production in Sri Lanka. To mark this anniversary, several events and activities have been planned throughout the year in Sri Lanka and internationally, including a Global Tea Party, International Tea Convention and a charity auction organised by a variety of stakeholders such as the Ceylon Tea Traders Association, Sri Lanka Tea Board, Tourist Board and tea companies.

While there is much reported in the media around these events, the anniversary celebrations and the future of Ceylon tea, there is little to no mention whatsoever of the tea plantation workers without whose contribution the industry would not exist.

There has been a lot of research and advocacy for decades on the rights of tea plantation workers, life conditions, wages and hardships faced by the workers and their families. In comparison to other parts of Sri Lanka, poverty, nutrition, maternal and children’s health statistics of plantation communities are poorer and further exacerbated by issues related to inadequate housing, alcoholism, gender based violence and unemployment especially among youth. Opinion polls conducted by the Centre for Policy Alternatives show that the community is badly impacted by the economy, have made serious cut backs in the household expenditure and feel little sense of empowerment as citizens of the country.

Groundviews, Vikalpa and Maatram have previously created new media stories, in all three languages across their respective platforms, that highlight the hardships faced by the tea plantation workers.

With the objective of creating more visibility and awareness and to ensure that key narratives do not remain invisible during this significant anniversary, CPA’s civic media output over four weeks will be anchored to key issues facing the tea plantation workers to coincide with the 150-year anniversary celebrations in order to take advantage of the momentum gathered by the celebrations. As Sri Lanka strategises the future of the tea industry, it is critical that the official discussions and reflections seriously consider issues faced by the workers who sustain the industry. The output will focus on the change (or lack thereof) in the lives of the workers 150 years since the start the industry, including a plethora of issues faced by them and their families, challenges for the future, areas for reform and strengthening rights. Content will be in all three languages, through short-form video, photography, long-form journalism and other interactive media.

Download this statement here.

CPA Calls for the Resignation of Minister Ravi Karunanayake

August 04th 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has followed recent media reports of the proceedings of the Commission of Inquiry to investigate the issuance of Treasury Bonds with increasing concern. The reported allegations of financial misconduct and conflicts of interest are extremely serious and their political consequences graver. Whatever the outcome of the Commission’s proceedings., the allegations are of sufficient gravity to require the immediate resignation of Ravi Karunanayake MP, the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

The media reports of the on-going hearings of the Commission of Inquiry to investigate and inquire into the issuance of Treasury Bonds during the period of 1st February 2015 to 31st March 2016, (CoI), reveal that Mr Karunanayake is implicated in financial transactions with Mr Arjun Aloysius, a central figure in the high-profile and questionable issuance of bonds by the Central Bank. Witness testimony to the CoI states that a luxury apartment in Colombo was taken on lease by Mr. Aloysius and/or his representatives, and paid for on behalf of Karunanayake, who was then Minister of Finance, and his family. In recorded testimony given to the CoI on 2nd August 2017, Minister Karunanayake noted that it was his wife and daughter who found and procured this apartment and that he personally “knew nothing” about how the apartment he and his family resided in for nine months was paid for and procured.

Without prejudice to the proceedings of the CoI, CPA finds the Minister’s testimony not only entirely implausible, but also deeply damaging to the credibility and reputation of the institutions of government. This is especially so for a government elected on a platform of good governance and anti-corruption. We firmly believe that this is a view shared by the majority of our fellow citizens, who are dismayed by the persistence of corruption and the current government’s woefully inadequate measures to address it.

CPA wishes to remind the government of its central promise to eradicate corruption at all levels of government and to hold to account anyone who is complicit without fear or favour. We call upon Minister Karunanayake to take the principled step of resigning from ministerial office forthwith, and to cooperate fully with on-going and any future investigations. We believe this is an essential prerequisite for restoring public confidence in the government’s commitment to its mandate, and we reiterate that the failure to do so will seriously impede the realisation of every other aspect of the government’s reform agenda.

Given the hope and expectation raised in 2015 regarding the restoration of good governance and the rule of law, the failure of Minister Karunanayake to resign, and the failure of the government to ensure his resignation, will risk unfavourable comparison with its predecessors. More critically, it will erode the credibility of our public institutions and processes in the eyes of citizens, and fatally undermine broader reforms.

Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
Executive Director

 

Download the release in English.

CPA extended their hand to school children in the Matara district affected by the recent floods

Although the mandate of the Centre for Policy Alternatives(CPA) has been research and advocacy, when the need has arisen CPA has contributed towards humanitarian relief. The distribution of essential educational equipment for   children affected by the recent floods is one such example. The initiative was taken by the staff of CPA and its election monitoring arm the Centre For Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV).
The equipment was officially handed over to Mr. Senaka Palliyaguru, the Matara Municipal Council Commissioner who rendered a immense service to the general public during the said disaster situation, by the Executive Director of CPA  and Co-Convenor of CMEV, Dr. P. Saravanamuttu.​

Press Release: Importance of Adhering to the Constitutional and Legal Framework in the Establishment and Operationalizing of the Office on Missing Persons (OMP)

 

24th July 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned by the failure of President Maithripala Sirisena to adhere to the provisions of the Constitution in allocating subjects and functions to Ministers, particularly in relation to the Office on Missing Persons (OMP). On 19th July 2017 President Sirisena issued Gazette (extraordinary) 2028/45 assigning the Office on Missing Persons (Establishment, Administration And Discharge Of Functions) Act No 14 of 2016 [Office on Missing Persons Act], to the Minister of National Integration & Reconciliation. By doing so the President has raised a matter of great constitutional significance, which had been looming for almost two years.

CPA draws attention to the constitutional framework provided by the 19th Amendment to the Constitution enacted on 28th April 2015. Prior to the 19th Amendment the President could assign to himself any subject or function not assigned to any other Cabinet Minister. This provision was repealed by the 19th Amendment. However a special exception was made for the person holding office as President on the date of commencement of the 19th Amendment.

After the General Election of August 2015, the President in terms of Article 43 (2) of the Constitution issued two Gazettes appointing Members of Parliament in charge of Ministries. Thereafter in terms of Article 43 (1) of the Constitution, the President issued Gazette (extraordinary) 1933/13 dated 21st September 2015 which, assigned subjects and functions to the previously allocated Ministries.

Furthermore this gazette of (1933/13 dated 21 September 2015);

  • Established a “Ministry of National Integration & Reconciliation” which had not been allocated to any Member of Parliament. The gazette also did not specify any laws that were to be implemented by this Ministry.
  • Allocated to the President all subjects and functions and Departments, Public Corporations & Statutory Institutions that are not specifically assigned to any other Minister.

However the President does not have the power to assign to himself any subjects and functions outside those specified in section 51 of the 19th Amendment. As such the parts of Gazette (extraordinary) 1933/13 dated 21st September 2015, which assigned to the President powers as the Minister of National Integration & Reconciliation are unconstitutional.

This would have been only a matter of academic importance so long as the President did not give to himself any powers qua Minister of National Integration & Reconciliation. However, with Gazette (extraordinary) 2028/45 assigning the OMP to the Minister of National Integration & Reconciliation, serious concerns are raised regarding the constitutionality of such measures. In terms of operationalizing the OMP, the Minister must issue a gazette in terms of Section 1(2) of the Office on Missing Persons Act. When issuing this gazette, the President will be acting qua Minister of National Integration & Reconciliation. CPA is of the belief that the President issuing such a gazette qua Minister of National Integration & Reconciliation would raise questions of constitutional importance and uncertainty regarding the validity of the OMP so constituted.

Swift measures are needed to address what seems on the face of it an oversight but may if not corrected demonstrate a lack of regard to the Constitution of Sri Lanka. CPA urges the President and the government to take immediate steps to adhere to the relevant constitutional provisions and assign the Ministry of National Integration & Reconciliation to a Minister other than the President or assign the Office On Missing Persons Act to a different Ministry. CPA believes that the failure to do so would be a violation of the Constitution and negate the positive steps taken by the government to enact the Office on Missing Persons Act. Soon after this, the Minister in question must issue a gazette as provided in the Office on Missing Persons Act, making the Act operational. Subsequent to this, CPA urges the Constitutional Council to publicly call for nominations to the OMP and to ensure that those recommended to the President have the expertise, skill and diversity needed for the effective functioning of the OMP as well as importantly, the trust of victims, affected communities and civil society. CPA reiterates its earlier calls for timely action and the need to establish the first independent mechanism to address the grievances of thousands of citizens of Sri Lanka.

Download the release in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

University-level discussions status of the constitution-making exercise

A discussion on the current status of the Constitution-making exercise in Sri Lanka was held on the July 6th at the Wayamba University and on 12th of July at the Sripada National College of Education, Patana. The content of the six subcommittee reports on Constitution making, as well as the importance of a new Constitution for Sri Lanka, and how to accelerate the process were topics that were discussed at the event. Lionel Guruge; Senior Researcher of the Centre for Policy Alternatives, as well as Attorney-at-Law S.G. Punchihewa moderated the discussion.

These discussions were carried out in partnership with Friedrich Naumann Foundation.


The event at Wayamba University was organized by Dr. Kelum Wijenayake.

The event at Sripada National College of Education was organized by the President of the college, Ramany Abeynayaka.

 

An enduring fear: Aluthgama in 2017

The homes that were burned and the stores that were damaged have been rebuilt; Aluthgama’s infrastructure hides the violence that it recently bore. Three years ago, around Poson poya day that fell in the middle of the month of Ramazan in 2014, a destructive display of racially-motivated violence occurred that continues to haunt its streets, long after the brick and mortar damage has been rebuilt.

This piece compiles interviews, photos and observations from a visit to Aluthgama in June 2017. Created using Microsoft Sway, it can be accessed here and is embedded below.

Serious Concerns with Recent Comments Made Against Attorney-at-Law Mr. Lakshan Dias

18 June 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned about a recent statement made by Mr. Wijedasa Rajapakse, Minister for Justice and Buddha Sasana, stating that he would “take necessary steps to remove Mr. Lakshan Dias from the legal profession” if Mr.Dias did not apologise within 24hours for a recent statement Mr. Dias made on the television programme ‘Aluth Parlimenthuwa’, Derana TV, 14th June 2017, on attacks against Christian places of worship in Sri Lanka.

CPA treats such statements by a Minister as a threat and one made against a lawyer and human rights defender who has over several decades diligently and persistently defended against attacks on fundamental freedoms and human rights. In his professional capacity he has appeared in court to uphold the fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution and legal framework of Sri Lanka. The Minister’s statement, intentionally or negligently misstates the issues raised by Mr Dias. We also see such threats by a senior minister as a veiled threat against anyone critical of the government, a blatant and clumsy attempt to curtail fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution of Sri Lanka.  Our deep concern and disappointment is compounded by the expectations of governance and democratic freedoms raised by the current government in the promises made in its ascent to office.

We understand that the reference to attacks made by Mr. Dias is based on documentation compiled by the National Christian Evangelical Alliance of Sri Lanka (NCEASL) and his reference was to 195 incidents since 2015. Minister Rajapakse goes on to state that the statement made by Mr. Dias is incorrect, as he had checked with Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, who in turn has denied knowledge of any attacks against  Catholics. We urge the Minister to be both aware of and sensitive to the pluralism and diversity within our religious communities in his verification of facts. Credible and comprehensive verification of facts is critical and should be adhered to by ministers, religious leaders, officials, civil society representatives and others. Independence and impartiality are of utmost importance in ensuring that responsible statements are made, deep divisions in out post-war society not exacerbated or fundamental rights curtailed.

CPA urges Minister Rajapakse to broaden his sources of information and verification and to desist from threatening human rights defenders – a bad practice of governments from the past. He must ensure that no harm comes to Mr Dias as a consequence of his threat.

We reiterate our calls to President Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe to launch an independent investigation of recent attacks against religious minorities, places of worship and businesses as a matter of national priority and to take all necessary action within the present legal framework to arrest and prosecute perpetrators. The government must take speedy and effective steps to restore the trust and confidence of all communities in its willingness and ability to protect and defend the rights of all its citizens.

Download as a PDF in English here, in Sinhala here and in Tamil here.

Corridors of Power | Website launch

14 June 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is pleased to announce the launch of a dedicated website for the international award-winning ‘Corridors of Power’, a path-breaking project marrying constitutional reform and theory with architecture.

The project was selected as a finalist in Fast Company’s World Changing Ideas 2017 awards, under the Urban Design category.

Access the website at http://www.corridorsofpower.org

As noted online, “Fast Company sifted through more than 1,000 truly impressive entries to find the ones our panel of judges thought were the best combination of creative problem solving and potential to change our world for the better.”

Conceived of and curated by Sanjana Hattotuwa working in close collaboration with leading constitutional theorist Asanga Welikala and renowned architect Channa Daswatte, ‘Corridors of Power’ through architectural drawings and models, interrogates Sri Lanka’s constitutional evolution since 1972.

The exhibition depicts Sri Lanka’s tryst with constitutional reform and essentially the tension between centre and periphery. The exhibits include large format drawings, 3D flyovers, sketches and models reflecting the power dynamics enshrined in the the 1972 and 1978 constitutions, as well as the 13th, 18th and 19th Amendments.

The exhibition premiered late 2015, was taken around Sri Lanka in 2016 and will also be taken to key cities over the course of 2017. To our knowledge, nothing along these lines has ever been attempted or created before. The idea is also a model for other country’s to interrogate, through participatory design and visualization, what their citizens think of constitutional rule.

More details here.

Access the website at http://www.corridorsofpower.org

Effective Action and Accountability Needed Now to Counter Religious Violence and Tension

May 23rd 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned about recent attacks and threats against Muslim places of worship and businesses as well as the use of inflammatory and insulting rhetoric against Islam.  CPA unreservedly condemns these actions and calls on the government and the law enforcement agencies to hold to account without delay those responsible for them and take preventative measures against such actions without delay.  The failure to do so will nourish the politics of hate and harm and the culture of impunity, both of which were roundly rejected by our fellow citizens in 2015.

The need of the day is for reconciliation, peace and amity between all the peoples of our country.  There is no place for hate and division. The government must honestly and actively pursue reconciliation. It must acknowledge the divisions within society and put in place mechanisms at the community and national level to heal them and prevent further division.  Moreover, the basic tenets of good governance require that the law of the land be applied equally to all, without fear or favour, irrespective of the identity of the perpetrators of division and hate.  The peace and prosperity that this country deserves will be seriously retarded if such actions are allowed to go unchecked and unpunished.

CPA reiterates that the existing legal framework provides law enforcement authorities with ample tools to prevent such incidents and arrest perpetrators.  It is deeply troubling that law enforcement authorities use the existing legal regime to prevent and stifle other forms of peaceful protests and gatherings but continuously fail to show the same degree of enthusiasm and efficiency in apprehending the perpetrators of these attacks.

The President and current government, voted into office with the support of our fellow citizens of all ethnicities and faiths, must act with courage and foresight to halt this frightening and fatal trend.   None of our fellow citizens should have to live in fear or be subjected to abuse and violence on religious grounds or indeed on account of deliberate falsehoods spread against them by purveyors of hate.

This government must act -fast and without room for any doubt.  By word and by deed, it must send out a clear and cogent message that it stands for a united Sri Lanka with peace, amity and security for all of its peoples.

Download this release in English here, Tamil here and Sinhala here.

THE NEED TO REBOOT RECONCILIATION IN POST-WAR SRI LANKA

May 19th 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The eighth anniversary of the end of the war draws attention to the progress made and prospects for meaningful reconciliation. At the expense of the multi-faceted challenge of transitional justice and reconciliation, attention, in recent years, has focused heavily on the last stage of the war, in particular the allegations of international crimes against both sides, the demand for accountability, the modalities and the mechanism in respect of it.  Consequently, many Sri Lankans remain deeply divided and aggrieved on account of the decades of structural injustices, political violence and other egregious failures of governance by successive governments and non-state actors.

Worryingly, over two years into the present government, the full realization of governance reforms is under severe challenge and reconciliation increasingly elusive. In such a context, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) urges the government of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to launch a programme of action to expedite realisation of the promises made in 2015 on constitutional reform, transitional justice and governance. It must be a truly national programme, capitalising on the unique feature of the victorious coalition of 2015 as the largest and broadest in our post-independence history. This design and execution of this programme of action should be treated as a matter of the utmost national priority with the support and participation of the public galvanized, accordingly.

Over the years Sri Lanka has missed several opportunities for conflict transformation and peace building. The opportunity for reconciliation presented by the end of the war was ignored by an authoritarian and triumphalist regime with no interest in addressing the grievances of victims and affected communities. Instead, it sponsored and presided over unprecedented levels of militarization, corruption, nepotism, disregard for dissent and free speech, attacks on minorities and the entrenchment of the culture of impunity. Promises to investigate past abuses resulted in tokenistic efforts of appointing commissions of inquiries and investigations, which failed to provide answers to the thousands of our fellow citizens searching for truth and justice.

January and August 2015 saw significant numbers of Sri Lankans rejecting this authoritarianism by voting in an unprecedented coalition government promising a new and democratic political culture and a genuine process of reconciliation. More than two years after, the prospect for change is fast diminishing, with little to show in the public domain by way of tangible change. Despite some early progress such as the enactment of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution and Right to Information legislation, many Sri Lankans continue to be left out of key processes that define their future and that of the country. The persistent protests by victims and affected communities across Sri Lanka is a sign of the many areas requiring urgent attention and the growing perception that this government is no different to previous ones. Recent months have also evinced a near shut down of citizen engagement in policy reform, increased secrecy in the drafting of legislation and policies accompanied by the introduction of legal frameworks with disastrous implications for rights protection and due process. Furthermore, despite the rhetoric of reconciliation, this government has yet to engage with a cross section of society on a policy aimed at reconciliation and coexistence. In doing so it will be confronted with and hopefully comprehend, the complexities and challenges associated with it. Moreover, the initial enthusiasm for confidence building measures such as land releases and the addressing of issues of enforced disappearances has stalled, with the Office of Missing Persons yet to be established. None of the mechanisms promised in 2015 to address transitional justice have been established to date.

There is no easy prescription for the deep divisions and mistrust caused by decades of violence and injustices. Reconciliation is a long and messy process that must examine, acknowledge and recognise the painful and divisive past. It is a process that requires visionary leaders willing to take risks and transcend narrow and self-serving positions, steering citizens through tumultuous times and in the process, building trust between deeply divided communities. The ambivalence by sections of the governments towards the full implementation of reforms and reckoning with the past is, perhaps, not surprising, considering the exigencies of coalition government. But in a post war context where ambitious promises were made, the apparent absence of leadership transcending this and the squandering of a unique opportunity for reform, is indeed both disappointing and disturbing. The onus is on President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe to champion what was promised and reenergise the reform project. Inaction and apathy now will dash the hope of meaningful reconciliation and pave the way to greater authoritarianism.

Download the statement in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

 

 

‘They Promised Us Answers’: Justice delayed for the disappeared

This feature follows CPA’s extensive work on the topic of enforced disappearances, in terms of monitoring of commissions or recommendations for strengthening of the legislation of the Office of Missing Persons. It is compiled of interviews and photos from several protests demanding justice across the Northern Province, by way of the return of family members and children who are among the disappeared.

Two of the longer on-going protests have been in Vavuniya and Kilinochchi, with mothers and families of the disappeared calling for justice and answers. Over the last two years, the key calls have been for state mechanisms to efficiently provide the solutions promised to the citizens. Now, affected populations have lost faith in the mechanisms, commissions, resolutions that have been written, passed and appointed to serve them.

They just want their loved ones back.

The story, created on Microsoft Sway, can be accessed here and has also been embedded below.

Opinion Poll on Constitutional Reform – Topline Report

3 April 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives’ latest opinion poll on constitutional reforms reveals that only 1.1% of Sri Lankans believe that the government’s performance since January 2015 has been excellent and does not need any improvements. 42.3% said that the performance has been good but the government needs to show better results. 23% believe that the government’s performance has been bad but that it should be given more time to deliver results. 16.5% think that the performance has been very bad and that the government should be voted out as soon as possible.

When asked how successful the government has been in informing people about the constitutional reform process, 55.1% of Sri Lankans said that the government has been unsuccessful, with almost 30% saying that the government has been very unsuccessful. 55% (with 30.8% saying very unsuccessful) say that the government has been unsuccessful in publicising the content of discussions within the Constitutional Assembly and it’s sub-committees about constitutional reforms. 56.4% of Sri Lankans also said that the government has been unsuccessful in obtaining citizens perspectives about what should be included/ what should change in the new constitution.

Overall, awareness about the constitutional reform process has somewhat increased when compared to CPA’s October 2016 survey. In March 2017, 29% of Sri Lankans said that they are somewhat aware compared to the 22% in October 2016. Those who say that they did not know that a constitutional reform process is taking place has reduced to 12% from 24%.

When asked if the current constitution should be wholly replaced with a new constitution or whether the current constitution should continue but with some needed changes, 23.5% of Sri Lankans said that we need a new constitution while 38.9% said that the current constitution should continue but with some needed changes.

The three key areas that Sri Lankans believe the Government should prioritise at present are (1) Economy and development (2) Law and order (3) Corruption. This selection was made out of a list of five key areas, the other two being constitutional reform and reconciliation. When asked what specific aspect of their first choice (economy and development) the Government should prioritise, people said it should be to reduce the cost of living.

66.2% of Sri Lankans believe that there are more important issues than constitutional reform and transitional justice for the government to address. This view is held across all Provinces except in the North and East. When asked to specify what these more important issues are, the answers given were all related to the economy and development – cost of living, infrastructure development, economy of the country and unemployment.

Conducted in the 25 districts of the country, this survey captured the opinion of 1992 Sri Lankans from the four main ethnic communities. The selection of respondents was random across the country. Fieldwork was conducted from March 14 – 19, 2017.

Download the full report in English and the Executive Summary in Sinhala and Tamil.

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Social Indicator (SI) is the survey research unit of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and was established in September 1999, filling a longstanding vacuum for a permanent, professional and independent polling facility in Sri Lanka on social and political issues. Driven by the strong belief that polling is an instrument that empowers democracy, SI has been conducting polls on a large range of socio-economic and political issues since its inception.

Please contact Iromi Perera at [email protected] for further information.

Fast Company’s World Changing Ideas 2017: Finalist

22 March 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is pleased to announce the ‘Corridors of Power’, a path-breaking project marrying constitutional reform and theory with architecture, is a finalist in Fast Company’s World Changing Ideas 2017 awards, under the Urban Design category.

As noted online, “Fast Company sifted through more than 1,000 truly impressive entries to find the ones our panel of judges thought were the best combination of creative problem solving and potential to change our world for the better. [Fast Company] crowned 12 winners–along with 192 finalists.”

Conceived of and curated by Sanjana Hattotuwa, in close collaboration with leading constitutional theorist Asanga Welikala and renowned architect Channa Daswatte, ‘Corridors of Power’ through architectural drawings and models, interrogates Sri Lanka’s constitutional evolution since 1972.

The exhibition depicts Sri Lanka’s tryst with constitutional reform and essentially the tension between centre and periphery. The exhibits include large format drawings, 3D flyovers, sketches and models reflecting the power dynamics enshrined in the the 1972 and 1978 constitutions, as well as the 13th, 18th and 19th Amendments.

The exhibition premiered late 2015, was taken around Sri Lanka in 2016 and will also be taken to key cities over the course of 2017. To our knowledge, nothing along these lines has ever been attempted or created before.

More details here.

A dedicated website for the project will be launched in April.

REBOOTING THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM PROCESS: A CIVIL SOCIETY STATEMENT

It is now over two months since the constitutional reform process effectively went into abeyance, with the indefinite postponement in January of the submission of the Steering Committee’s Interim Report to the Constitutional Assembly for debate. Substantial work was undertaken during 2015, including the work of the Public Representations Committee, the Subcommittees of the Constitutional Assembly, and the Steering Committee. But the fact that there has been no progress at all on constitutional reform during the first quarter of 2017 is now cause for increasing anxiety.

Constitutional reform was the central rationale for both the change of government and the formation of a government of national unity in 2015. The current distribution of parliamentary representation is also one of the most propitious for building the political consensus necessary for long-needed constitutional reforms. For both these reasons, dissipating – the still available but fast diminishing – window of opportunity for constitutional reform would be a mistake of historic proportions. If it is missed, then it is unlikely we would get another for at least a generation: to reduce executive dominance and centralisation, to enhance the role of parliament, to strengthen constitutional rights and freedoms, and to ensure both devolution to the periphery and power-sharing at the centre.

These reforms are badly needed to ensure democracy, constitutional government, and reconciliation, and to re-lay the foundations for a strong, stable, united, and peaceful Sri Lanka. It is clear that these basic reforms require a new constitution. Piecemeal reforms would be wholly inadequate. A new constitution requires a referendum – which must be won by the government for its own survival –  and this in turn underscores the scale of the project.

We do not assume constitutional reform is an easy task. Even with the cooperation of all and the best will in the world, constitution-making involves the negotiation of difficult questions and disagreements. It would seem therefore that efforts must be redoubled towards restarting the deliberations in the Constitutional Assembly process. The President and Prime Minister must give decisive leadership to this process. As the first step, they must ensure completion of the Interim Report, which should set out the general principles that would guide the drafting of the new constitution. Once this is debated and approved by the Constitutional Assembly, the painstaking task of drafting a Constitution Bill can begin.

Alongside the recommencement of the official process, there are a number of matters to which the government must urgently address itself. The most important task is to develop and implement a strategy of political communication on constitutional reforms. It is abundantly clear that a vast section of the Sri Lankan public has no awareness of what is transpiring in respect of constitutional reform. It is unclear to what extent even elected politicians beyond those directly involved are aware of what is going on. This generates public apathy and allows anti-reform forces to control the political narrative. It is alarmingly clear that these forces are re-grouping, and if they are allowed to succeed, they would hold back the social, political, economic, and constitutional progress of our country for decades. The government must act fast to regain the initiative in this regard and ensure conducive conditions for the constitutional referendum to come.

The President and Prime Minister must work together to ensure that their respective parties are fully behind the government’s programme, and that all members of the government speak with one voice on constitutional reform. They must act as a government of national unity at least until the historic purpose of delivering a new constitution is achieved. Civil society supported the electoral changes of 2015 on the premise that a government of national unity would ensure the constitutional reforms outlined above. We remain committed to supporting a process for a new constitution. However, it is now time for the President and the Prime Minister to infuse a sense of purpose, direction, and urgency to this task.

Download this release, with the full list of signatories, in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

CPA STATEMENT ON PROPOSED AMENDMENT TO THE CODE OF CRIMINAL PROCEDURE (SPECIAL PROVISIONS) ACT NO. 2 OF 2013 – (RIGHTS OF DETAINEES – ACCESS TO LEGAL COUNSEL)

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned by the Bill titled Amendment to the Code of Criminal Procedure (Special Provisions) Act No. 2 of 2013 – (rights of detainees – access to legal counsel) which was approved by Cabinet of Ministers on the 21st February 2017 and gazetted on the 6th March 2017.

The Bill is meant as an improvement on a previous Bill to amend the Code of Criminal Procedure, which the government did not proceed with due to concerns raised by several stakeholders including CPA. CPA notes that the present Bill seeks to provide statutory recognition to some of the existing constitutional and administrative safeguards for detainees in relation to access to lawyers, which are needed. However, we are alarmed at the proposed clauses 6A(2) and 6A(6), which are seriously flawed. These provisions, if enacted, allow for a situation were the Officer in Charge of a Police Station can deny lawyers from accessing detainees and even police stations if such access would “impede ongoing investigations”.

In a context where there is a well-documented history of custodial torture and abuse of power by the Police, providing such broad powers to an Officer in Charge is deeply troubling and unacceptable. Furthermore, these over-broad clauses would render meaningless the other rights enumerated in the Bill. As such the Bill would curtail existing constitutional and administrative protections for detainees, and like its previous avatar, facilitate the violation of rights including the commission of custodial torture. It would seem therefore that the aforementioned clauses of the proposed Bill are inconsistent with the government’s stated commitment to a zero-tolerance policy towards torture.

CPA notes that while these provisions are proposed to operate only temporarily, legislation such as the notorious Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) were also initially enacted as temporary provisions but became permanent over time. The government must ensure that any proposals at legislative reform meet international standards in protecting the human rights of all citizens, and not become a tool of impeding such rights. In these circumstances, CPA calls on the government to immediately remove Clause 6A(2) and 6A(6) of the Bill.

Download a PDF version of this release in English here, Tamil here and Sinhala here.

Press Release: MoU signed between CPA & the Ministry of National Co-existence, Dialogue and Official Languages

09th March 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The first Memorandum of Understanding between the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and a Government Ministry was signed between CPA and the Ministry of National Co-Existence, Dialogue and Official Languages, yesterday, 9th March 2017. The MoU is on an audit on the status of Language Rights in central government institutions to be conducted by CPA and has been entered into to achieve the common goal of advancing these rights.

Since 2016, CPA has realigned its approach to Language Equality to address institutional change, initially at the national level of central government ministries, followed by institutions at the provincial and local levels.

The initial phase of the Promoting Language Equality and Reconciliation at the National Level (PLERNL) project implemented by CPA involves conducting a comprehensive assessment of language policies in practice in government institutions. The assessment will be done in relation to the guidelines stipulated in the Official Language Policy (OLP). The legislative statutes governing the implementation of the Official Language Policy (OLP) in State Administration were presented through the State Administrative Circular No: 18/ 2009 and Gazette 1620/ 27 of 25.09.2005.

In that year, a Road-map for designing language policy per state institution was circulated among all relevant institutes. The Ministry of National Co-Existence, Dialogue and Official Languages facilitated briefings and provided necessary guidance in this regard.

The Road-map identified 4 (four) priority areas when implementing OLP at the State level. The four areas identified are; Visibility and Ambience, Administration and Documentation, Service Delivery, and Institutional Commitment and Support Mechanisms. As such, “The Audit on Implementation of National Language Policy in Government Institutes” is designed by CPA as an evaluation of the current status quo in respect of these four areas.

Download the press release in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

 

Rising Above – Life, family and hope at Methsara Uyana

The Centre for Policy Alternatives has for years documented the stories of people affected by the rapid development drive that occurred under the previous regime, when the Urban Development Authority commandeered evictions across Colombo to make room for what has materialised as mixed development projects that promise a luxurious future for those who can afford it.

It is the women in these communities who have been affected the most in this relocation as most have lost the ability to carry out their informal income-generating activities. In addition to taking care of their children in an unfamiliar and even unwelcoming residence, the dynamics of the new environment mean their previously-successful enterprises are now running at a loss.

To mark International Women’s Day (March 8th), CPA highlights the multi-faceted nature of the issues faced by women in this context. This piece contains narratives from several female residents of the Methsara Uyana complex in Dematagoda, one of the highrises where evicted families have been relocated to. It can be accessed here and has also been embedded below.

Visit Right to the City for more features and resources on the topic of land acquisition, eviction and relocation for development in Colombo.

Victim-Centred Transitional Justice in Sri Lanka: What Does It Really Mean?

14th February 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: There is now a growing consensus that victims must be at the heart of any transitional justice process. Since 2015 and the government’s promise to introduce transitional justice mechanisms in Sri Lanka, these terms have been used by varied stakeholders. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has consistently called for a victim-centered approach in Sri Lanka and is not alone in this regard.  The tenets of such an approach, however, require further elaboration.  International instruments provide guidance as to the legal framework, but the nature of victimhood and its practical implications are subject to contestation and vary from context to context.

The present report seeks to provide some clarification within the Sri Lankan context, exploring both the genealogy of victim-centered transitional justice and models for implementation. CPA believes this to be an important conversation in the context of the government’s promises to introduce new mechanisms and initiatives to address past abuses.

Download the report here.

The Making of a World Class City: Displacement and Land Acquisition in Colombo

1 February 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka: CPA’s latest report ‘The Making of a World Class City: Displacement and Land Acquisition in Colombo’ explores the process of making Colombo a world class city, begun post-war under the Rajapaksa regime and its continuity under the yahapalanaya government.

The previous government’s Urban Regeneration Programme (URP), which is being continued by the present Government, aims to beautify the city and create a slum-free capital. This has, resulted in large scale eviction and relocation of the working class poor away from the city center. The rushed evictions under the previous regime paid scant regard to the rights of affected persons and to the practical impact of evictions on their lives including lack of access to services, loss of shared community, increase in physical and material vulnerability, disruption of education and loss or reduction in livelihood options.

The continued lack of transparency and accountability is an overriding concern. The difficulties of obtaining information and in the language of the person affected and misinformation in attempts to prejudice the rights and interest of the affected family, continue to be the main areas of dispute with the Urban Development Authority. On the substantive questions involved there is a clear lack of state policy that accounts for and seeks to serve the interests of those affected. The lack of such policies compound problems arising out of a state-centric understanding of eminent domain, an expanding ‘public purpose’ in state acquisitions of land and the entrenched vulnerabilities of affected persons.

This report also highlights the urgent need for the National Involuntary Resettlement Policy to be updated and enshrined in law. The need for national and provincial policy guidelines, criteria for participation, transparency, accountability, promotion of in-situ redevelopment and upgrading, elimination and minimising involuntary resettlement as well as adequate compensation prior to and during land acquisition and resettlement processes is evident when looking at the experience of communities forcible relocated.

Read the full report here

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A discussion anchored to the content of this report will be held today (1st February 2017) from 5.00 – 7.00pm at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies, 24, Horton Place, Colombo 07.

All are welcome and entrance is free.

The Making of a World Class City_Final

Living it down: Life after relocation in Colombo’s high rises

1 December 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka: ‘Living it down: Life after relocation in Colombo’s high rises’ is a new report by CPA based on findings of a survey conducted with 1222 households in Colombo forcibly relocated by the Rajapaksa regime. The findings of this survey question many narratives created around the working class poor of Colombo living in “underserved settlements”. That the affected communities live in slums and shanties, in unhygienic, unsanitary flood prone environments surrounded by drug dealers are narratives that serve the purpose of a Government looking to “liberate” commercially valuable property in Colombo by relocating communities to high-rise complexes built by the Urban Development Authority (UDA) in the North of Colombo since 2010.

This survey builds on CPA’s work since 2013 on evictions in Colombo under the previous regime. The three complexes selected for this survey were Mihindusenpura, Sirisara Uyana and Methsara Uyana, all located in Dematagoda (Colombo North). The three complexes were selected because residents were moved there prior to November 2014 which meant that they had been living in the buildings for more than one and half years.

The findings of this survey raises many concerns about the future of those living in the UDA high-rise complexes and demands a complete review of the URP. In less than three years of occupation, we see a considerable deterioration in the quality of life, income mismatch leading to debt, high expression of desire to move, disconnect with the built environment.

Unfortunately, even under the yahapalanaya Government and new management of the UDA we see no concrete effort on the part of the UDA to address the critical issues arising from the URP, whether they be related to the buildings, resident issues or even the provision of documents and information residents are entitled to, in their language of preference. The yahapalanaya government is continuing the URP activities, with another 15,000 – 20,000 apartments being built at present. It is therefore crucial to learn from the lessons and experiences of those already relocated to ensure that communities relocated in the months to come will be spared the negative experiences of the families already living in the high-rise apartments.

While those living in the three survey sites were relocated under a militarised UDA and faced harassment, intimidation and threats in the relocation process, the current Government must not assume that those relocated in the future will fair better. The very involuntary nature of the relocations, the lack of consultation and entitlements to the affected communities will deeply affect them post relocation, even in the absence of military involvement. There are a lot of changes that needs to take place in the URP process and the Government must seriously reconsider high-rise apartment complexes as their solution to providing better living conditions for the working class poor. It is also long overdue for this Government to deliver on their promise to legislate the National Involuntary Resettlement Policy.

Policy makers and the UDA must move away from an approach that views people, especially the working class poor, as impediments to adding social and economic value to the city to one that acknowledges them not only as partners but, in keeping with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, as sovereign.

Download the full report here.

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