Initial comment on the Declaration of a State of Emergency and Regulations for the Maintenance of Essential Supplies and Services

September, 2, 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: On the 30th of August 2021, by way of Gazette 2243/1, President Gotabaya Rajapakse issued a proclamation under Section 2 of the Public Security Ordinance (Chapter 40) as amended. In the Proclamation, the President states that ‘I am of the opinion that it is considered expedient to do so in order to ensure the Public Security and well being and maintenance of supplies and services essential to the life of the community in view of the prevailing emergency situation in Sri Lanka in the context of the COVID – 19 pandemic now steadily on the rise throughout Sri Lanka’. It has widely been reported that private banks are unable to finance food imports due to foreign exchange shortages, and as such a food shortage is expected. This is amidst rising food prices both locally and internationally. However, the government claims there are no shortages but only distribution issues with vendors hoarding stocks.

The present comment is prepared by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) to briefly explain the legal basis for the declaration of a state of emergency and specifically Emergency (Provision of Essential Food) Regulation, No. 1 of 2021 published in Gazette 2243/3 dated 30th August 2021.

Section 2 of the Public Security Ordinance (PSO) empowers the President to declare a State of Emergency in two situations; when the President is of the opinion that it is expedient to do so-

1) in the interest of public security and the preservation of public order, or

2) for the maintenance of supplies and services essential to the life of the community.

CPA has previously commented on the constitutional and legal scheme of a State of Emergency and what it entails, in the context of the State of Emergency that was declared by President Maithripala Sirisena in 2018.

Unlike the previous emergencies that were declared following unrest in 2018 and the Easter Sunday Bombings in 2019, the present declaration of emergency appears to be reliant on the second component relevant for the maintenance of supplies and services essential to the life of the community. However, CPA notes that regardless of the reason for the declaration of a State of Emergency, once such a declaration is made it gives the President wide powers with only limited checks and balances. With the declaration of a State of Emergency on 30th August 2021, the President is now able to promulgate Emergency Regulations dealing with any subject at any given time. Considering Sri Lanka’s history with emergency, other security related laws and legacy of repression, this raises serious concerns. The implementation of the present regulation and possible future steps require close attention.

This commentary is available for reading in English and Tamil. A version in Sinhala will follow shortly.

Mangala Samaraweera: An Appreciation

25th, August, 2021, Mangala Samaraweera was a personal friend and a friend of CPA.  He shared our vision and dream of a Sri Lanka in which all of its peoples would respect each other and strive together for the peace, prosperity and reconciliation, our country desires and deserves.  Like us, he believed in the Rule of Law and the equality before the law for all citizens without fear or favour and like us, he spoke truth to power, standing defiantly against the mudslinging and hysteria of his detractors.

I knew Mangala before he entered politics, in his Art Centre Club days basking in the Bohemian ambience of the place and in the liberalism it nurtured.  I remember conversations with him and Chanaka Amaratunga on the fundamental principles of liberalism and once he became an organizer in Matara, his amusement at his constituents commenting that he was humble enough to wear his father’s trousers and not an example of the recent fashion, an area in which he excelled and revolutionized too. We weren’t always on the same page politically, especially over the violent excesses of the infamous Wayamba provincial election, but we always remained friends.

His political achievements are many.  Every Sri Lankan owes him a debt over the privatization of Sri Lanka Telecom, an enduring legacy of organizational skill and political acumen.  In the field of human rights and reconciliation he was the champion first of the Mothers Front, empathizing and demanding justice for the victims of violence and then the Sudu Nelum Movement, which reached out to the grassroots about the ethnic conflict and the need for meaningful devolution. Likewise in 2015, his authorship of the four mechanisms for transitional justice- the Office for Missing Persons (OMP), the Office of Reparations, the Truth and Justice Commission and the mechanism for accountability.  Only the first two have been set up but Mangala did not lose his searing sense of priority with respect to the other two as well.  He spoke out, freely and candidly about the violations of human rights and democratic freedoms and when he retired from parliamentary politics, he devoted himself to spreading the message of rights and freedom, toleration and diversity to all. Right through to the end of his life, he believed in a Sri Lanka which was a functioning democracy based on the principle of Unity in Diversity.

As the Minister of Posts and Telecommunication, Foreign Affairs and Finance, respectively, he left behind a legacy, which no other politician can claim to have.  As a politician he came to espouse and to defend liberal democracy, in word and deed in a way in which no other politician has.  As a human being he was mischievous, generous and committed in every sense of the phrase to the joi d’vivre of life and living.

As my friend and as the friend of CPA, I am indebted in having known him and will always remember him in the words of Bernard Shaw, saying:

 

You see things and you say “Why?” But I dream things that never were; and I say “Why not?”

 

Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu

Executive Director

 

This statement can be downloaded by clicking here 

 

Is the Cure Worse than the Disease? Reflections on COVID Governance in Sri Lanka

13th August, 2021 – Is the Cure Worse than the Disease? Reflections on Pandemic Governance in Sri Lanka is the result of an initiative of Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA). The ‘Socio-Economic Index In the Face of COVID-19’, an island wide opinion poll conducted from February-March 2021 by SI, aimed to capture the experiences and perceptions of Sri Lankans through the first and second waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings derived from this survey compelled a more in-depth consideration of many of the themes therein, leading to the idea of a research volume germinating in the minds of the project team.        

Stemming from this context, this volume examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political, economic, and social life of Sri Lankan society, and its’ transformative effect on the political culture of the country: How have the strategies and policies adopted by the government to fight the pandemic impacted society? More particularly, how have such strategies and policies impacted on delivering governance, health, and education fairly across all communities? Chapters of the volume are a quest for answers to these questions focusing on different sectors of society, their experience of the pandemic, and the implications of such experience on their future trajectory.

Individual chapters and contributions can be downloaded by clicking on the links below.
To download the complete book in English, click here.
To download the complete book in Sinhala, click here.
To download the complete book in Tamil, click here.

Cover Photo by Nazly Ahmed

Contents | පටුන | உள்ளடக்கம்

List of Contributors | දායක වූ ලේඛකයන් | பங்குபற்றாளர்கள்

Foreword | පෙරවදන | அணிந்துரை

by Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttuආචාර්ය පාක්‍යසෝති සරවනමුත්තු | கலாநிதி பாக்கியசோதி சரவணமுத்து

Preface and Acknowledgements | පූර්විකාව සහ ස්තූතිය | முன்னுரையும் நன்றி நவிலலும்

 

Editor’s Introduction (Chapter 1)හැඳින්වීම | அத்தியாயம் 1

Introduction Reflections on COVID governance in Sri Lanka by Pradeep Peiris
ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොවිඩ් ආණ්ඩුකරණය පිළිබඳ ආවර්ජනා ප්‍රදීප් පීරිස්
அறிமுகம்: இலங்கையில் கொவிட் ஆளுகையின் பிரதிபலிப்புகள் பிரதீப் பீரிஸ்

 

Chapter 2 | 2 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 2

Sri Lanka’s accelerated democratic decay amidst a pandemic by Bhavani Fonseka and Kushmila Ranasinghe
වසංගතයක් තුළ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයේ සීඝ්‍ර පරිහානිය භවානි ෆොන්සේකා සහ කුෂ්මිලා රණසිංහ
பெருந்தொற்றுக்கு மத்தியில் இலங்கையில் துரிதமாக்கப்பட்ட சனநாயகச் சிதைவு பவானி பொன்சேகா மற்றும் குஷ்மிலா ரணசிங்க

 

Chapter 3 | 3 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 3

Healing the population by constructing subjects: Pandemic governmentality of Sri Lanka by Pradeep Peiris
යටත්වැසියන් නිර්මාණය කිරීමෙන් ජනගහණය සුව කිරීම: ලංකාවේ වසංගත ආණ්ඩුකරණ මාදිලිය ප්‍රදීප් පීරිස්
கீழ்ப்படிவுள்ள பிரசைகளைக் கட்டியெழுப்புவதனூடாக மக்களை மாற்றுதல்: இலங்கையில் பெருந்தொற்று ஆளுகை பிரதீப் பீரிஸ்

 

Chapter  4 | 4 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 4

Lives or livelihoods?The erosion of welfare in Sri Lanka’s COVID-19 response by
Nipunika O. Lecamwasam
ජීවිතද ජීවනෝපායන්ද? ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොවිඩ්-19 ප්‍රතිචාරය තුළ සුබසාධනයේ පරිහානිය නිපුනිකා ඕ. ලේකම්වසම්
வாழ்வா அல்லது வாழ்வாதாரமா? இலங்கையின் கொவிட்-19 பதில் நடவடிக்கையில் தேய்ந்து போகும் சேமநலன் நிபுணிகா ஓ. லேக்கம்வசம்

 

Chapter 5 | 5 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 5

Ethno-centric pandemic governance: The Muslim community in Sri Lanka’s COVID response by
Sakina Moinudeen
වර්ගවාදී වසංගත ආණ්ඩුකරණය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොවිඩ් ප්‍රතිචාරය තුළ මුස්ලිම් ප්‍රජාව සකිනා මොයිනුඩීන්
இனத்துவ-மையவாத பெருந்தொற்று ஆளுகை: இலங்கையின் கொவிட் பதில் நடவடிக்கைகளில் முஸ்லிம் சமூகம் சகினா மொய்னுதீன்

 

Chapter 6 | 6 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 6

Not-so-free education: State-citizen relations in Sri Lanka’s educational policy response to the pandemic by Hasini Lecamwasam
නිදහස්-නොවන-අධ්‍යාපනය: වසංගත සන්දර්භයෙහි ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිපත්තිය තුළ රාජ්‍ය-පුරවැසි සම්බන්ධතා හසිනි ලේකම්වසම්
இலவசமில்லாத கல்வி: பெருந்தொற்றுக் காலத்தில் இலங்கையின் கல்விசார் கொள்கைப் பதில் நடவடிக்கையில் அரசு-பிரசை உறவுகள் ஹசினி லேக்கம்வசம்

 

Chapter 7 | 7 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 7 

Out of the frying pan into the fire: Life of migrant garment workers in the COVID-19 response by
Kaushini Dammalage
කබලෙන් ලිපට වැටීම: කොවිඩ්-19 ප්‍රතිචාරය තුළ සංක්‍රමණික ඇඟළුම් කම්හල් සේවකයින්ගේ ජීවිතය කෞෂිණී දම්මලගේ
எண்ணெய்ச் சட்டியிலிருந்து நெருப்புக்குள்: கொவிட் பதில் நடவடிக்கைகளும் உள்நாட்டுக்குள் குடிபெயர்ந்த ஆடைத் தொழிற்சாலைத் தொழிலாளர்களும் கௌஷினி தம்மாலகே

 

Chapter 8  | 8 වන පරිච්ඡේදය | அத்தியாயம் 8

Contacts during difficult times: A study on the function of social networks in accessing state services during the COVID-19 pandemic by Shashik Silva
දුෂ්කර සමයක සමාජ සම්බන්ධතා: කොවිඩ්-19 වසංගත තත්වය තුළ රාජ්‍ය සේවා ලබාගැනීමේදී සමාජ සම්බන්ධතා ජාල වල භූමිකාව පිළිබඳ අධ්‍යයනයක්
ශෂික් සිල්වා
கடினமான காலங்களில் தொடர்புகள்: கொவிட்-19 பெருந்தொற்றுக் காலத்தில் அரசசேவைகளைப் பெற்றுக்கொள்வதில் சமூக வலையமைப்புகளின் செயற்பாடு பற்றிய ஒரு ஆய்வு ஷஷிக் சில்வா

 

 

Annexure 1 | ඇමුණුම 1 | பின்னிணைப்பு 1

THE ‘SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDEX IN THE FACE OF COVID-19’ SURVEY: AN OVERVIEW‘
කොවිඩ්-19 හමුවේ සමාජ-ආර්ථික දර්ශකය’ පිළිබඳ සමීක්ෂණය: දළ විශ්ලේෂණ
கொவிட்-19 காலத்தில் சமூக-பொருளாதாரக் குறிகாட்டி பற்றிய கணிப்பீடு: ஒரு கண்ணோட்டம்

 

Annexure 2 | ඇමුණුම 2 | பின்னிணைப்பு 2

RESEARCH INSTRUMENT SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDEX IN THE FACE OF COVID-19
පර්යේෂණ මෙවලම කොවිඩ් 19 හමුවේ සමාජ – ආර්ථීක දර්ශකය
வினாக்கொத்து – கொவிட்-19 காலத்தில் சமூக-பொருளாதாரக் குறிகாட்டி

 

Annexure 3 | ඇමුණුම 3 | பின்னிணைப்பு 3

RESULTS
ප්‍රතිඵල
முடிவுகள்

Centre for Policy Alternatives Files Petition in the Supreme Court (SC SD 28/2021) against proposed Finance Bill

On the 26th July 2021, The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed a Petition in the Supreme Court (SC SD 28/2021) challenging the proposed Finance Bill, which was placed on the order paper of Parliament on the 20th of July 2021. The Bill seeks to provide an amnesty from tax, penalty or interest, or from any investigation or prosecution, to anyone who has not disclosed any taxable supply, income or asset which was required to be disclosed by law, provided that they invest an equivalent amount in the manner specified in the Bill.

CPA’s position is that several clauses in the Bill are inconsistent with the Constitution, including several entrench provisions, and thus cannot be passed into law except if approved by the people at a referendum in addition to a two-thirds vote of the whole number of the Members of Parliament in favour as required by Article 83(a) of the Constitution. 

CPA challenged clauses 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 of the Bill on the basis that they are inconsistent with Articles 12(1), 4(d), 14(1)(g) read with Article 3 of the Constitution, as inter alia they legitimize fraud and are discriminatory towards those who have already disclosed and paid their taxes in accordance with the law. CPA also challenged clauses 10, 11 and 17 on similar grounds. CPA further challenged clause 7 of the Bill, which guarantees secrecy regarding the identity of such declarants, which is in violation of Articles 12(1), 14A, 4(d) read with Article 3 of the Constitution. 

CPA notes with concern that if passed, the Bill will result in impunity to those involved in corruption and fraud on the State and the populace as a whole. Further, the lack of transparency is inconsistent with the principles of good governance, especially in an era where the Right to Information has been expressly recognized by the Constitution and guaranteed to the people.  

Civil Society statement calling on an end to impunity on child labour, trafficking, and sexual exploitation

23rd July, 2020, On 2021.07.03 Friday, Ms. Jude Kumar Ishalini of Diyagama, Hatton—an underaged girl employed as a domestic aide at the residence of former Minister and present Member of Parliament Mr. Rishad Bathiudeen was admitted to the Colombo National Hospital with burn injuries. She succumbed to her injuries on the 15th while receiving treatment in Ward 73 of the Intensive Care Unit 2.

Thereafter, according to her Case No. B/52944/2/21, the Colombo Additional Magistrate Rajindra Suriya visited the Colombo National Hospital to view the body of the deceased girl and ordered a post-mortem. It has been reported in the media that she has been sexually abused for a long time.

Ishalini was born in Diyagama, Hatton on December 11, 2004. She was only 15 years and 11 months when she arrived as a domestic aide at the residence of Member of Parliament Mr. Rishad Bathiudeen. At the time of her death, Ishalini was only 16 years and 08 months of age. During her employment, she was only permitted to communicate with her family a few times over the phone but was denied visits to her family. She died without seeing her family members for nearly a year.

Education is compulsory for every child in Sri Lanka until the age of 16. There are officers attached to each Divisional Secretariats such as child probation officer, child protection officer and women development officer etc. and their work is to ensure that the children get educated and do not drop out from schools before 16. These officers are mandated to work within the community to protect children like Ishalini and help them with their education. If there are dropouts, they must work with the families and community to ensure that they go back to school. Hence, this case also sheds light on another dark side of the systemic failure of protecting and promoting child rights in this country. It is not new that up-country children are being used as forced labour in this country for decades. Rarely this cruelty has been brought to light. Further, women’s groups have observed an increasing trend of not only underaged girls being sold as domestic labour but also being sexually abused and treated inhumanly during this pandemic.

According to the Employment of Women, Young Persons, And Children Act (No. 47 of 1956) of Sri Lanka, children aged between 16 – 18 can be employed for a common good. But before so employing children between the age of 16 -18, the Labour Commissioner should be informed of the reason. Further, the law says that no one can employ a child in such a manner as to prevent the child from attending school.

Therefore, Ishalini’s employment as a domestic aide is improper as her education had been disrupted.  Furthermore, the post-mortem report states that the victim has been sexually abused for some time. In terms of the Penal Code sexual exploitation is an offence and sexual harassment at the workplace is a punishable crime too.

This incident is linked with various grave offences such as employing an underage girl child, being forced to discontinue education and sexual exploitation. Hence extensive and impartial investigations should be carried out in connection with the death and other related rights violations and perpetrators brought to book.  Fair trial and justice to Ishalini, hopefully, will put an end to the abuses and exploitations of many Ishalinies.

Presently, the Corona pandemic situation has caused various economic hardships to people including loss of livelihoods to many. As a result, there is visible and phenomenal increase in domestic violence, sexual abuse and more generally violence against women and children. In the Batticaloa district alone in the last six months, 14 child sexual abuse cases and 63 violence against children have been recorded.

In July, to date, media has reported a total of 05 cases of violence against children, including the instant case of Ishalini. They are:

  1. The horrific crime of online trafficking of a 15-year-old girl.
  2. A 16-year-old girl employed as a domestic aide at the residence of a representative of the legislative body succumbing to burn injuries.
  3. Two sisters aged 12 and 14 were sexually abused by their father aged 36.
  4. A 13-year-old girl child from Nawalapitiya was sexually abused by her father and many others since she was 07 years of age.
  5. In Gampaha a monk (head of a Buddhist temple) and 4 men have been arrested for sexually abusing a 13-year-old girl.

These are the reported cases and possibly a tip of an iceberg of an endemic that is overshadowed by Covid -19 in this country.  The Child Protection Authority and the structure of the Women and Children’s Welfare Police Division must work impartially and fearlessly to ensure justice in terms of complaints received about child abuse and exploitation. This must be stressed as none of the above structures was able to carry out their duties in an effective and efficient manner, despite the escalating violence against children during the period when travel restrictions are in force.

As women’s rights activists, we made several attempts, but the said structures failed to respond effectively. Therefore, it is apparent that the ineffectiveness of these structures has also contributed significantly to the continuation of grave violence against children. We hope, at least after the publicity Ishalini’s tragic death has garnered, these structures would wake up and discharge their duties effectively to ensure justice for the victims. In addition, the relevant Minister G.L. Peiris and the Minister of Justice Ali Sabry who is continuously discussing reforms to the legal system should consider introducing changes to the laws concerning child rights to be more effective.

An effective mechanism should be developed within the legal framework to inquire about cases involving children and to establish procedures to ensure the sentencing of offenders expeditiously. Officers who neglect their duties must also be brought to book. A strong victim and witness protection mechanism should be installed in every district. But most importantly implementation of an expedited process must ensure justice without delay whilst guarding the dignity of the victim throughout. This would be the only way forward to guarantee a reduction in incidents of child abuse and violence against children in Sri Lanka.

Endorsed by: 

  1. Women’s Action Network
  2. Suriya Women’s Development Center – Batticaloa,
  3. Mannar Women’s Development Federation,
  4. Center for Human Rights and Development,
  5. Affected Women’s Forum – Ampara,
  6. Muslim Women Development Trust – Puttalam,
  7. Rainbow Pillars for Creativity,
  8. Women Aid Network- East,
  9. Eastern Social Development Foundation,
  10. Institute of Social Development -Kandy
  11. Rural Development Foundation,
  12. Law and Human Right Center – Jaffna,
  13. Women Development Innovators,
  14. Third Eye Local Knowledge and Activists group,
  15. Alliance for Minorities,
  16. Human Elevation Organization- Ampara,
  17. Viluthu Center for Human Resource Development,
  18. National Christian Evangelical Alliance Sri Lanka,
  19. District Federation of Women Rural Development Societies (Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Mannar, Puttalam, Batticaloa & Trincomalee)
  20. Amara District Forums Female Heads of Households (Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Mannar, Puttalam, Batticaloa & Trincomalee)
  21. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
  22. National Peace Council
  23. Association of War Affected Women
  24. Sisters at Law
  25. Stop Child Cruelty Trust (as organization)
  26. Sisterhood Initiative
  27. National Fisheries Solidarity Movement
  28. Hashtag Generation
  29. People’s Alliance for Right to Land
  30. Law and Society Trust
  31. Centre for Policy Alternatives

 

To download the statement, click here.

A brief guide to the 20th Amendment to the Constitution

19th July, 2021, The Sri Lankan government enacted a Constitutional Amendment within the first two months of its coming into power in August, 2020. The 20th Amendment to the Constitution, so enacted, bears as its central feature the concentration of powers in the Executive President, and thereby erodes several of the democratic reforms introduced by the 19th Amendment. The proposed amendment witnessed opposition from a range of parties including constituent members of the government and several challenges in the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka. This opposition resulted in several amendments proposed to the original Bill and the 20th Amendment to the Constitution was enacted in October 2020.

CPA released an initial analysis of the changes proposed by the 20th Amendment, shortly after the release of the Bill, observing that the Bill “rolls back democratic reforms introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment in 2015 and are a return to unfettered executive power institutionalised by the Eighteenth Amendment introduced in 2010”.

A brief guide to the 20th Amendment to the Constitution is available for reading in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Sri Lanka’s Vistas of Prosperity and Splendour: A Critique of Promises Made and Present Trends

July 13 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Sri Lanka is at present confronted with unprecedented challenges. The COVID-19 crisis in Sri Lanka has been characterized not only by the immediate public health and economic challenges which have been pervasive across the world. It has also brought to the fore a number of underlying issues that have been made explicit in the context of the pandemic. Weaknesses in governance, processes which threaten to undermine constitutional democracy in Sri Lanka and structural inequalities within society have each been amplified during this period.

The present Government enjoyed overwhelming support from voters promising a move towards a more ‘disciplined’ no-nonsense approach to governance, paving the way to increases in the efficiency of administration and the acceleration of economic development. Promises of such nature have been tied up with the increased authoritarianism we have seen since President Gotabaya Rajapaksa took office. The constitutional project of the new Government, it was argued, would result in governance that was free from the constraints of checks and balances on executive power. These checks and balances it was argued, created indecisiveness and inefficiency within government. The pandemic represented a perfect opportunity to demonstrate this in practice. However, the multiple setbacks in the handling of the COVID-19 response have called into question this narrative of efficiency and exposed the limitations of the proposed technocratic and militarized governance model.

This study by the Centre for Policy Alternatives examines the varied challenges faced by Sri Lanka through the lens of governance,  militarization, reconciliation and development. It will provide a critique of Government policy,  exploring how a lack of coherent and considered policy making, the adoption of ethno majoritarian political ideology and the implementation of militarized governance has resulted in adverse outcomes.

This report is available for reading in English, Sinhala, and Tamil.