The Centre for Policy Alternatives vs. Attorney-General SC SD 24/2017 [In re: The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution]

A Bill titled ‘The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution’ (the Bill) was placed on the Order Paper of Parliament on 23rd August 2017. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director filed a Petition on 28th August 2017 in the Supreme Court, stating that the Bill can only be passed in Parliament with a special majority (two thirds of the Members of Parliament) and with the approval of the people at a referendum.

CPA first argued that the Bill fails to comply with a mandatory procedural requirement for constitutional amendments. Article 154G(2) of the Constitution requires any amendments to the devolution framework established by the Thirteenth Amendment to be referred by the President to every Provincial Council for the expression of their views before being placed on the Order Paper of Parliament. This procedure was not followed in this case. The importance of this requirement is that it enables Provincial Councils to express their views on a Constitutional Amendment Bill, and to give the government an opportunity to accommodate those views before a final Bill is presented to Parliament.

Second, CPA argued that the Bill violates the Constitution’s Article 3, which affirms the sovereignty of the people and recognizes that the franchise is a part of that sovereignty. After the Thirteenth Amendment introduced devolution, this includes the right of citizens in the nine Provinces to elect a Provincial Council of their choice. The Bill negatively affects the people’s franchise because it transfers to Parliament the power of a Provincial Council to decide when that Council should be dissolved. As a result, it delays the opportunity of citizens in Provinces whose Provincial Council terms end before the “specified date” in the Bill, to vote for a new Provincial Council until then. Equally, the mandate citizens have given to Provincial Councils whose terms end after the “specified date” in the Bill is cut short by the Bill.

The Supreme Court in its determination did not hold with CPA’s argument relating to Article 154(G)(2), however, it did accept the position that it is mandatory for the President to refer such bills to Provincial Councils prior to being placed on the order paper of Parliament. Furthermore the Court determined that the postponement of elections envisaged in the Bill violated Articles 3 and 4 of the Constitution (sovereignty of the People) and as such it was required to be passed by a referendum.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives Vs. Kabir Hashim and others SC (FR) Application No.54/2016

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director filed a Fundamental Rights application challenging the appointment of Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka to fill the vacancy created by the death of Mr. M. K. A. D. S. Gunawardana, as a Member of Parliament elected under Article 99A of the Constitution (the National List).

In accordance with Article 99A of the Constitution, CPA’s position was that a person is only entitled to be nominated to fill such a vacancy if their name was included in the district nomination papers or national list submitted by the relevant political party. Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka’s name was not included in the “national list” submitted to the Election Commission by the United National Party, or in any nomination paper submitted with respect to any Electoral District by the United National Party in the 2015 Parliamentary election.

In its Petition, CPA stated that if the appointment of a person as a Member of Parliament is contrary to the provisions of the Constitution, is a violation of several rights guaranteed under the Constitution, in particular the franchise, which is part of the sovereignty of the people. Furthermore, CPA argued that any attempt to interpret legislation in a manner contrary to the provisions of the Constitution would imperil the supremacy of the Constitution, which is a cornerstone of constitutional democracy.

Over the past two decades, CPA has filed several Public Interest Litigation cases relating to the franchise, and in particular, the right to vote. The judgments deriving from these cases have recognized the right to vote as a fundamental right and highlighted the importance of protecting it. CPA has on two previous occasions challenged attempts to appoint to Parliament and to Provincial Councils, individuals whose names were included in the nomination papers submitted for the respective elections.

The matter was taken up by the Supreme Court on May 24th 2016. The Court stated that Article 99(A) of the Constitution does not extend to cover a situation where the seat of a National List member has fallen vacant and the provisions contained in section 64(5) of the Parliamentary Elections Act No.1 of 1981 with regards to filling vacancies would apply. Therefore, the Court refused to grant leave to proceed with the case.

Sanjeewa Sudath Perera and two others vs. H.E. Maithreepala Sirisena (SC FR 67/2016) (Fundamental Rights application challenging the Tamil version of the National Anthem)

Sanjeewa Sudath Perera and two other persons filed a Petition dated 26th February 2016 in the Supreme Court challenging the decision to sing the National Anthem of Sri Lanka in Tamil at the official Independence Day celebrations in 2016. The Petitioners argued that singing the Anthem in Tamil was contradictory to Articles 7 and 12 of the Sri Lankan Constitution, which relate to the National Anthem and the rights to equality and non-discrimination, respectively.

On March 4th 2016, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed an Intervention-Petition, which argued that singing the National Anthem in Tamil was Constitutional. This intervention Petition first referenced Articles 18 and 19 of the Constitution, which state that Sinhala and Tamil are the official and national languages of Sri Lanka. Furthermore unlike subordinate legislation such as acts of Parliament, the Constitution contains no provision, which stipulates that the Sinhala text shall prevail over the Tamil text.  As such the words and music of the National Anthem in the Tamil language are constitutionally recognized by Article 7 read with the Third Schedule of the Tamil version of the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

The intervention Petition further referenced Article 12 of the Constitution, claiming that a declaration that the National Anthem should be sung only in Sinhalese would be a direct violation of Article 12, which in turn would be a violation of the fundamental rights of Tamil-speaking citizens. CPA also supported two additional Intervention-Petitions that supported the constitutionality of singing the National Anthem in Tamil.

The Supreme Court took up the case on the 18th of November 2016, discussing whether the Petitioners made a strong enough case for considering the Petition in the Court. During the discussions, the Deputy Solicitor General (DSG) also referenced Articles 18 and 19 of the constitution recognizing both Sinhala and Tamil as the official and national languages of Sri Lanka, and that the singing of the Anthem in Tamil was not in violation of the Constitution. The court therefore decided that the Petitioners had not disclosed a case to be considered, and subsequently their case was dismissed.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives Vs. The Attorney General (Amendment to section 291 of the Penal Code) (SC SD 28/2015)

On December 11th 2015, a Bill titled “Penal Code (Amendment) Bill” was placed on the Order Paper of Parliament for the purpose of amending the Penal Code (Chapter 19). The Centre for Policy Alternatives and its Executive Director Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed a Petition on the 17th of December 2015, challenging the constitutionality of the sole substantive clause in said bill.

In its Petition, the CPA argued that Clause 2 of the Bill violates Articles 10, 14(1)(a), and 12(1) of the Constitution, that specifically deal with freedom of thought, conscience, and religion; freedom of speech and expression including publication; and equal protection of the law, respectively.

On December 18th 2015, the matter was taken up by the Supreme Court, which was subsequently informed by the Attorney General that the Government had decided not to proceed with the present Bill. The Supreme Court is to send a formal communication to the President and to the Speaker of Parliament, in accordance with Article 121(3) of the Constitution.

For further information, see:

Civil Society Statement on the Office on Missing Persons

2nd February 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: We the undersigned wish to express our deep disappointment in the process through which the legislation on the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) was enacted and the Office operationalised. Following the co-sponsoring of UN Human Rights Council resolution 30/1 in 2015, the Government of Sri Lanka made firm promises to establish the OMP by law, appoint credible and competent members to it and allocate adequate resources for its functioning. We appreciate the enactment of the OMP Act in August 2016. However, we have been concerned about the protracted delay in operationalizing the Office as well as the flawed process through which the OMP Act is being implemented.  We are also disturbed by the lack of transparency in the appointment of the OMP members.

From the very outset, the Government of Sri Lanka adopted a flawed process with respect to the enactment and operationalization of the OMP Act. It appointed a Consultation Task Force to consult the public on the proposed transitional justice mechanisms, including the OMP; yet, to the disillusionment of those who made representations to the Task Force, the government enacted the OMP Act before the publication of the Final Report of the Task Force. Despite this initial rush in enacting the OMP Act, the President took nearly a year to assign the Act to a particular ministry. The President’s decision to assign the Act to himself in his capacity as Minister of National Integration and Reconciliation, despite serious doubts raised regarding the constitutionality of his decision, is also cause for concern. To date, the OMP members are yet to be appointed with no public information on the process of selection.

We wish to express further concerns regarding this appointment process. The Constitutional Council called for applications, and recommended seven names to be appointed by the President in terms of section 4 of the OMP Act. We observe that the President is bound under section 5 of the Act to appoint the chairperson and OMP members within fourteen days of receiving the Constitutional Council’s recommendations. However, while this delay has lapsed, the names of the OMP members have not been publicly released. Furthermore, the overall appointment process has thus far lacked transparency, contrary to what was specifically recommended by the Consultation Task Force.

The operationalization of the OMP is the first significant step taken by the Sri Lankan government to fulfil its promises with respect to the broader reconciliation agenda which it committed to, including through the co-sponsoring of UN Human Rights Council resolution 30/1. As such, compliance with due process and transparency requirements is essential to ensure affected families’ and civil society’s trust in the government’s commitment to implement resolution 30/1.  Indeed, the protracted delay in the establishment of the OMP compounded with procedural flaws observed thus far have contributed to eroding affected families’ confidence in the institution.

We hereby call upon the Constitutional Council and the President to fully abide by the principle of transparency and publicly disclose the list of OMP members, including the chairperson, and the process through which such members were selected. Finally, we call upon the Government of Sri Lanka to ensure that such appointments are fully compliant with the spirit and letter of the OMP Act. In particular, specific attention must be paid to the credibility, experience and expertise of the members.

Download the statement and list of signatures. 

Human Rights Commitments made by the Government of Sri Lanka and Ways Forward

2018 is a significant year for Sri Lanka. The country marks the 70th anniversary of its independence on the 4th of February. Long overdue and much anticipated local government elections will take place under a new electoral system a week later on the 10th of February. These elections will be the first under the government elected in January 2015; the first to be conducted by the independent Election Commission established under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution in April 2015; and the first with a historic 25% allocation of seats for women. They will be followed by Provincial Council elections later in the year and depending on constitutional reform, a Presidential Election in 2019, and a General Election in 2020. The results of these elections will impact the course of constitutional reform and transitional justice, the latter half of the Sirisena presidency and the future of the National Unity Government. Limited steps towards improving human rights have been taken by the current government, but the pace of progress has slowed substantially, with persistent regressive moves imperilling human rights. Further, there is widespread concern about the status of promised constitutional reforms and transitional justice processes. Consequently, the government’s commitment to the broad reform agenda it was elected on is in serious doubt.

This year is also a crucial year in the context of a number of important deadlines established through Sri Lanka’s participation in international human rights mechanisms. Of these, UNHRC Resolution 30/1 of 2015 remains a key document concerning human rights, transitional justice and reconciliation in the country, committing the government to enact a comprehensive set of measures by the extended deadline of March 2019. Sri Lanka’s human rights record was also reviewed in the third cycle of the UN’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process in November 2017, where the country made 12 voluntary pledges and supported 177 recommendations thereby accepting a diverse range obligations. Additionally, Sri Lanka’s re-entry into the European Union’s (EU) GSP+ scheme in 2017 provides trade concessions from the EU on condition of improving compliance with 27 international conventions. This expansive body of international commitments is reaffirmed domestically by the National Human Rights Action Plan 2017-21 (NHRAP). Additionally, recommendations made in the report of the Consultation Task Force as well as benchmarks created by civil society actors create a substantive framework and timeline for progress on human rights in Sri Lanka.

In the context of these key milestones and deadlines there must be reflection on present human rights commitments, the status of their implementation and specific timeframes for their possible implementation. The Centre for Policy Alternatives has prepared this report as a reflection of the commitments and action that is possible within particular time periods with the purpose of encouraging their full implementation.

Download the report in English.

Civil Society Statement – 70 Years of Independence

February 4th 2018 marks 70 years of Sri Lanka’s independence. The upcoming anniversary will be celebrated, similar to the years before, by the state and some sections of society with pomp and pageantry. However, despite Sri Lanka being a formal functioning democracy with enviable social welfare indices, our post-independence history has been punctuated by struggles for justice and equality and armed insurrections against the state. These were met with brutal state repression, restrictions placed on civil liberties and violations of human rights. Tens of thousands were killed or unaccounted for and many more displaced and disappeared. The State’s failure to recognize and uphold individual and collective rights has resulted in a deficit in democratic governance and a deeply divided society. Thus, it is imperative that Independence Day celebrations are tempered by a sincere attempt to reflect on post-colonial failings and our aspirations for a more just, fair, peaceful, and inclusive society.

Despite seven decades of independence, grievances among victims and affected communities are many, as attested to at present by continuing protests across the country on a number of issues including militarization, the occupation of land, enforced disappearances and prisoners’ rights. On a daily basis, communities face the
challenge of a deeply entrenched security state, a pervasive military presence with ongoing violence, threats, surveillance, and ineffectual law enforcement. Progress on releasing political prisoners has been slow and unsatisfactory. Human rights defenders and journalists continue to face threats, intimidation, and other restrictions. Impunity for crimes committed by state agents or politicians is rampant and truth, justice and redress for victims remain elusive in many cases. Discriminatory laws, practices and violence on account of religion, ethnicity, sexual orientation, disabilities or gender are common place and we continue to witness attempts to curtail civil liberties through flawed attempts at replacing legislation such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

The change in January 2015 was projected as a victory for democracy with the ambitious promise of a new political culture, a vindication of civil society struggles in this regard. A new constitution, mechanisms for transitional justice, a government free of corruption and committed to good governance, were promised. But we continue to be faced with numerous challenges including financial scandals, weak and politicized institutions that impede accountability and transparency and challenges to coexistence and reconciliation. While legislative and constitutional reforms—such as the adoption of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution and the Right to Information Act—and some confidence building measures must be welcomed, further reforms are necessary if independence is to be truly enjoyed by all citizens.

Whilst we mark this important milestone in Sri Lanka, we take the opportunity to reiterate our demands for a political solution to the National Question, respect for human rights and civil liberties, protection of all numerical minorities, upholding the rule of law, ending impunity and discrimination and ushering in genuine peace, reconciliation and sustainable development.

See a list of signatures on this statement here.

Download this statement in EnglishSinhala and Tamil.

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The following persons can be contacted for any questions or comments regarding the statements-

Dr. P. Saravanamuttu- 0777731458
Juwairiya Mohideen- 0777284058
Ruki Fernando- 0773874160
Brito Fernando- 0772072540
Bhavani Fonseka- 0777239593

Watch a video compiling the key issues highlighted in the statement below.

Sri Lanka at 70 from Centre for Policy Alternatives on Vimeo.