The Eastern Province began to experience a new political climate after the entire Province was brought under Government control in 2007. The Provincial Council began to function for the first time since 1987, following the election held in 2008. The government launched its’ mega-development project – Nagenahira Navodaya – in order to develop the war affected province.
 
In this context, one year after the establishment of the Provincial Council, the importance of assessing the change from the viewpoint of  those in the Eastern Province was strongly felt than ever before. Hence, Social Indicator – Centre for Policy Alternatives ventured into the survey – ‘Assessment on  Eastern Province Recovery’ – which investigates the public opinion on key themes of democracy, human rights and development.
 
In this regard, the finding of this survey would provide valuable insight into the changes that the people in the Eastern Province are experiencing at this important juncture where the country is striving for the reconciliation of its war affected communities.

‘War and Peace’ and the APRC Proposals
Dr. Colin Irwin,
University of Liverpool, May 2010

The research for this poll was
carried out by the staff of Social Indicator of Colombo, on behalf of
Dr. Colin Irwin from the University of Liverpool who developed the peace
polls method as part of the successful Northern Ireland peace process.
The survey work for the first poll in this series was completed between
March and May 2008 and included a random sample of 1,700 people from all
parts of Sri Lanka with the exception of the Northern Province. Using
the same methods the survey work for the second poll was completed a
year later in March 2009 to test the then preliminary APRC proposals
against public opinion before the end of the war.

A year later
in March 2010 these same proposals were tested again but with a larger
sample that included the Northern Province. Additionally four versions
of the questionnaire were run to measure the impact that the support of
the President, religious and political leaders would have on the
acceptability of the proposals (Table 1).

All interviews were
face-to-face and the margin of error varied between +/- 2% and +/- 4.3%
depending on the question and version of the questionnaire being
analysed. A copy of the questionnaire is given in the Appendix with
additional results.

Key findings:

• The preliminary APRC proposals have gained more Sinhala support
  after the war so that they are now equally acceptable to the Sinhala,
  Tamils, Up-Country Tamils and Muslims.
• Although the majority of Tamils and Muslims across Sri Lanka want a
  unitary state a significant minority of Tamils from the Northern
  Province still want to keep the ‘right to secession’. However most of
  them will give this up for the complete ‘package’ of APRC reforms.
• The President, political and religious leaders can all influence
  support for these preliminary APRC proposals but although Eastern Tamils
  will follow their politicians on this issue Northern Tamils ‘Don’t
  Know’ how to respond to theirs.
• Although all communities strongly support language and fundamental
  rights Tamil concerns about the special status of Buddhism has increased
  after the war as a political issue.

‘War and Peace’ and the APRC Proposals
Dr. Colin Irwin,
University of Liverpool, May 2010

The research for this poll was
carried out by the staff of Social Indicator of Colombo, on behalf of
Dr. Colin Irwin from the University of Liverpool who developed the peace
polls method as part of the successful Northern Ireland peace process.
The survey work for the first poll in this series was completed between
March and May 2008 and included a random sample of 1,700 people from all
parts of Sri Lanka with the exception of the Northern Province. Using
the same methods the survey work for the second poll was completed a
year later in March 2009 to test the then preliminary APRC proposals
against public opinion before the end of the war.

A year later
in March 2010 these same proposals were tested again but with a larger
sample that included the Northern Province. Additionally four versions
of the questionnaire were run to measure the impact that the support of
the President, religious and political leaders would have on the
acceptability of the proposals (Table 1).

All interviews were
face-to-face and the margin of error varied between +/- 2% and +/- 4.3%
depending on the question and version of the questionnaire being
analysed. A copy of the questionnaire is given in the Appendix with
additional results.

Key findings:

• The preliminary APRC proposals have gained more Sinhala support
  after the war so that they are now equally acceptable to the Sinhala,
  Tamils, Up-Country Tamils and Muslims.
• Although the majority of Tamils and Muslims across Sri Lanka want a
  unitary state a significant minority of Tamils from the Northern
  Province still want to keep the ‘right to secession’. However most of
  them will give this up for the complete ‘package’ of APRC reforms.
• The President, political and religious leaders can all influence
  support for these preliminary APRC proposals but although Eastern Tamils
  will follow their politicians on this issue Northern Tamils ‘Don’t
  Know’ how to respond to theirs.
• Although all communities strongly support language and fundamental
  rights Tamil concerns about the special status of Buddhism has increased
  after the war as a political issue.

‘War and Peace’ and the APRC Proposals
Dr. Colin Irwin, University of Liverpool, May 2010

The research for this poll was carried out by the staff of Social Indicator of Colombo, on behalf of Dr. Colin Irwin from the University of Liverpool who developed the peace polls method as part of the successful Northern Ireland peace process. The survey work for the first poll in this series was completed between March and May 2008 and included a random sample of 1,700 people from all parts of Sri Lanka with the exception of the Northern Province. Using the same methods the survey work for the second poll was completed a year later in March 2009 to test the then preliminary APRC proposals against public opinion before the end of the war.

A year later in March 2010 these same proposals were tested again but with a larger sample that included the Northern Province. Additionally four versions of the questionnaire were run to measure the impact that the support of the President, religious and political leaders would have on the acceptability of the proposals (Table 1).

All interviews were face-to-face and the margin of error varied between +/- 2% and +/- 4.3% depending on the question and version of the questionnaire being analysed. A copy of the questionnaire is given in the Appendix with additional results.

Key findings:

• The preliminary APRC proposals have gained more Sinhala support after the war so that they are now equally acceptable to the Sinhala, Tamils, Up-Country Tamils and Muslims.
• Although the majority of Tamils and Muslims across Sri Lanka want a unitary state a significant minority of Tamils from the Northern Province still want to keep the ‘right to secession’. However most of them will give this up for the complete ‘package’ of APRC reforms.
• The President, political and religious leaders can all influence support for these preliminary APRC proposals but although Eastern Tamils will follow their politicians on this issue Northern Tamils ‘Don’t Know’ how to respond to theirs.
• Although all communities strongly support language and fundamental rights Tamil concerns about the special status of Buddhism has increased after the war as a political issue.

Is This A Just Peace? by Sanjana Hattotuwa published in New Matilda on 25 May 2010.

Paper advertisement on the first anniversary of the end of war.