Top line survey results: Democracy in post-war Sri Lanka 2014

Cover page

28 October 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka – According to the latest ‘Democracy in Post War Sri Lanka’ survey conducted by Social Indicator, the survey research unit of the Centre for Policy Alternatives, divisions between people’s opinions when it comes to reconciliation still persist. The state of the economy and cost of living continue to adversely affect the household with people compromising on food quality and medical care. With Presidential elections due early next year, it is interesting to note that 44.3% of Sri Lankans think that the Constitution should limit a President to serving a maximum of two terms.

On the Sri Lankan economy, 31.9% of Sri Lankans believe that the general economic situation in the country has got a little better while almost 27% say that it has got a little worse and 18.5% say that it has got a lot worse. When it comes to the current economic situation of the country, 36.7% of Sri Lankans believe that it is somewhat good while 30.6% say somewhat bad and 19.5% say that it is very bad.

The financial situation of the household seems to have got worse in the last 2 years – almost 30% of Sri Lankans say that it has got a little worse while 25.6% say that it has got a lot worse. 24.2% of Sri Lankans state that they have gone without medicine or medical treatment in the last year, with the Up Country Tamil community (58.2%) being the most affected. Compromising on food quality, 42.7% of Sri Lankans say that they have cut back on the amount or quality of food they have purchased with again the Up Country Tamil community being the most affected (almost 60%).

When it comes to reconciliation, divisions in opinion between the communities persist. 40.8% of Sri Lankans believe that the Government has done a little, but not enough to address the root causes of the conflict, which resulted in thirty years of war. 39.9% from the Tamil community and 33.3% from the Up Country Tamil community believe that the Government has done nothing to address the root causes of the war while 35% from the Sinhalese community said the Government has done a lot to address the root causes.

Around 54% of Sri Lankans say that they approve of the increase in the role of the forces in civilian tasks, with 17% saying that they strongly approve. 41.6% from the Sinhalese community said that they somewhat approve of this role while 30.2% from the Tamil community said that they strongly disapproved.

With Presidential elections due next year, it is worth highlighting that 44.3% of Sri Lankans think that the Constitution should limit a President to serving a maximum of two terms while 27.6% say that there should be no limit. From the four communities, it is mainly the Muslim community (69.7%) who believe that there should be limit of two terms while 59.5% from the Up Country Tamil community, 57.3% from Tamil and 38.4% of Sinhalese say the same.

Commenting on the media in Sri Lanka, 30% of Sri Lankans said that they somewhat agree that the media in Sri Lanka is completely free to criticise the government as they wish. 40.5% of Sri Lankans believe that the media should have a right to publish any views and ideas without Government control while another 34% of Sri Lankans believe that the Government should have the right to prevent the media from publishing things it considers harmful to society.

On the role of religion and ethnicity in politics, 37.9% of Sri Lankans said that the role of Buddhism in Sri Lankan politics is the right amount while 37.8% of Sri Lankans said that the role is too much. The view that the role of Buddhism in Sri Lankan politics is too much is felt by majority of the Tamil (79.3%), Up Country Tamil (91.1%) and Muslim (83.4%) communities while only 23.1% from the Sinhalese community felt the same. Close to 50% of Sinhalese believe that it is the right amount.

‘Democracy in post-war Sri Lanka’ sought to record public perspectives on democracy in Sri Lanka today and the findings are presented under five key sections – Economy and Development, Post War Sri Lanka, The Government, Media and Role of Religion and Ethnicity in Politics. The first wave was conducted in 2011 and the second wave in 2013.

Conducted in the 25 districts of the country, the 2014 survey captured the opinion of 1900 Sri Lankans from the four main ethnic groups. The selection of respondents was random across the country except in a few areas in the Northern Province where access was difficult. Fieldwork was conducted from June – July 2014.

Download the full report here or read it online here.

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Social Indicator (SI) is the survey research unit of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and was established in September 1999, filling a longstanding vacuum for a permanent, professional and independent polling facility in Sri Lanka on social and political issues. Driven by the strong belief that polling is an instrument that empowers democracy, SI has been conducting polls on a large range of socio-economic and political issues since its inception.

Please contact Iromi Perera at [email protected] for further information.

STATEMENT ON THE LEGALITY OF THE PROPOSED THIRD PRESIDENTIAL TERM

23 October 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka: It has been strongly suggested by government sources in recent days that there is to be an early presidential election in January 2015. In this connection, there has been public discussion whether or not President Mahinda Rajapaksa is legally entitled, under the terms of the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution, to seek a third term. It has been widely assumed following the abolition of the presidential two-term limit by the Eighteenth Amendment that President Rajapaksa would seek a third term at some point.

However, the former Chief Justice, Sarath N. Silva, P.C., has strongly argued that President Rajapaksa is legally disqualified from seeking re-election. He has argued that in terms of the principles of interpretation set down in the Interpretation Ordinance 1901 (as amended), the Eighteenth Amendment should have made the abolition of the term limit applicable to the incumbent president by express words. In the absence of such express words, he further argues, President Rajapaksa became disqualified immediately upon being re-elected for his second term in January 2010. The weight of academic authority has been added to Mr Silva’s interpretation by the written legal opinion of Professor Suri Ratnapala of the University of Queensland commissioned by the Bar Association of Sri Lanka.

The government and commentators writing in support of its position maintain that there is no legal prohibition or restriction on President Rajapaksa seeking a third term or his decision to call an early presidential election. Their position is that the provisions of the Eighteenth Amendment are clear in their favour on both these issues. It is possible that the Supreme Court may be moved in the coming days, by way of a presidential reference or by an individual application, for a determination of these constitutional issues. It would be crucial for the Supreme Court to demonstrate its independence, impartiality, and integrity to the highest international standards given the political sensitivity and constitutional significance of these issues.

Having considered the views expressed in the public domain, CPA firmly believes that the position advanced by Mr Silva and Professor Ratnapala is more persuasive on the legal merits. We do not believe that those supporting the government’s position have adequately answered the issues raised by Mr Silva and Professor Ratnapala. Our position therefore is that notwithstanding the abolition of the term limit by the Eighteenth Amendment in September 2010, President Rajapaksa remains disqualified by virtue of the unrepealed Articles 31(2) and 92(c) applying to him at the time of his second election in January 2010. In the absence of an express provision in the Eighteenth Amendment specifically or generally including the incumbent president within its terms, relevant provisions of the Interpretation Ordinance, which are themselves principles developed by the common law over a long period of time and are part of the general principles of the Sri Lankan legal system, operate to deny retroactive application of the Eighteenth Amendment. For these reasons, the incumbent president, as well as any other person twice elected to the office of president prior to the Eighteenth Amendment, remains disqualified.

If this is the true legal position with regard to the relevant constitutional provisions, a potential constitutional crisis is created if President Rajapaksa nonetheless seeks re-election in January 2015 without an authoritative settlement of the doubts. If he is re-elected in such a context, moreover, persistent questions about the legality and legitimacy of his position would also inevitably follow. Needless to say, it is undesirable for such doubts to attach themselves to the office of the President of the Republic.

Download a PDF of this press release here. Available in Tamil here. Available in Sinhala here.

Allegations on Colombo Telegraph website

10 October 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is aware of an article in the Colombo Telegraph website published on 10 October 2014.

The article contains a number of allegations against the organisation and certain members of the staff.

As the Executive Director is travelling on work, CPA will post a response to these allegations on his return to Sri Lanka in the next two weeks.

Concerns on the Proceedings of the Presidential Commission to Investigate into Complaints Regarding Missing Persons

2 October 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned about the recently concluded proceedings of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry to Investigate into Complaints Regarding Missing Persons (the Commission). More than a year into its mandate and in light of the practices that were evident at the recently concluded sittings, CPA questions as to whether the Commission is able to conduct investigations into its now expanded mandate. A more fundamental question must be posed – is not the failure to genuinely address the grievances of over 19,000 complainants a stark reminder of the flaws in and failures of domestic processes that are meant to investigate violations?

These questions are raised after observations of public sittings of the Commission and CPA reiterates to the Commission and the authorities that immediate steps must be taken to answer them. The absence of action in this respect, only serves to cast aspersions on the integrity and credibility of the Commission and on the possible outcomes of the present process. Lack of genuine steps at this juncture, will severely undermine efforts to arrive at truth, justice, accountability and reconciliation in Sri Lanka.

Some concerns from the recently concluded sittings:

1. Poor translations: CPA monitored the proceedings in both the Mulankavil and Pooneryn areas held between 27-30th September and noted the extremely poor quality of translations. In several instances the translated information was very different to the testimony provided. We highlight three examples:

*Commission: Did you have a makeshift house there?
Translator: Unkalukku veedu ontru irukkiratha? Veedu irukkutha ange? (Do you have a house there? where?)
Commission: Did you have a temporary shelter?
Translator: Neenkal niranthara oru mukamil iruntheerkala (Were you in a permanent camp?)

*Commission: You don’t know from where the shelling was coming from?
Translator: Enthe mukamil irunteerkal endru solla mudiuma? (Can you tell us the camps where you were at?)

*Commission: How many people came to take her?
Translator: Unkaloda eththanai per antha idaththil thanki iruntharkal pathukappu thedi thanki iruntharkal eththinai per irukkum? (How many people were staying in that place with you, how many people were staying there for security?)

2. Witness and Victim Protection: CPA has continuously called for credible witness and victim protection mechanisms for the safety of those who appear before the Commission. We repeat this call. At the Commission sittings on the 29th September at the Pooneryn Divisional Secretariat, individuals identifying themselves as military intelligence attended the sittings and photographed persons waiting to give testimony to the Commission. Furthermore, CPA noted the presence of several military personnel outside the venue. Photographs of the said incident can be found here. CPA believes that such tactics result in the intimidation of people wanting to come forward and exacerbate the fear of possible reprisals for speaking out publicly about past violations. This in turn will impact the testimony received by the Commission, raising questions of as to whether it has been able to have hearings, which are free from interference and whether the information received is not extremely limited and/or one-sided. Having attended previous sitting, CPA notes that this is not the first instance that military intelligence has attended, intimidated those in attendance and collected information on them. CPA notes that the danger posed to those attending the hearings is very real in the heavily militarized context of the North. Although a bill titled “Assistance to and Protection of Victims of Crime and Witnesses” was issued on 11th August 2014, the legislation is yet to be enacted and there is yet to be change on the ground that provides for effective protection. CPA has raised concerns on this issue and released a statement incorporating them.

3. Line of Questioning by the Commission: CPA notes that the Commissioners posed leading questions to those providing testimony. This implies bias and could lead to influencing testimony and subsequent findings. CPA is extremely concerned about this and strongly urges independence and impartiality in the line of questioning. An example of this is captured below:

Q: Was there shelling? A: Shell attack continued nonstop.
Q: Shell attack was to prevent you from crossing, no? A: We were allowed to go into the army- controlled area and army was there with us and they were directing us to move into the area. And shells started to hit behind.
Q: Shells came from behind you? A: No the shells started to hit behind. It came over our head.
Q: That means from the LTTE side, no? A: Yes. We were moving from the LTTE side into the Army side. And the army was there with us and they were directing us. And the shells started to go over our heads into our back side.
Q: That is, LTTE was shelling in order to prevent you from crossing over to army side? A: We can’t identify that. We wanted to safeguard our life. We were in fear for our life. We can’t say as to who could have shelled.
Q: Did LTTE encourage you to cross over to army side? A: Not so, not like that. At the beginning stage we were obstructed, we were stopped from going into army- controlled area.
Q: The LTTE was trying to cover themselves with you all being there? A: We can’t see that. The situation was such that we can’t say that. There was commotion. We can’t see that.

In addition to concerns with the proceedings, CPA also wants to raise the status of investigations before the Commission. Media reports indicate that the Commission has approached President Rajapaksa to appoint an investigating team to pursue cases of disappearances. Having observed the type of complaints that are heard at the Commission’s sittings, CPA is concerned by this request that can undermine efforts at a process that is meant to be independent and impartial. For example, a significant number of complaints of persons missing post-surrender to the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) have been provided to the Commission. Given that the President is also the Minister of Defence and Commander in Chief, CPA raises questions as to how such a request can lead to an independent team and process. Furthermore, CPA notes that the framework used to appoint the Commission provides it with the mandate to investigate and/or to apply for assistance from public officials in order to carry out its mandated tasks. CPA urges that the Commission reexamines powers within its mandate and explores the creation of an investigative team that is within the Commission and which is beyond possible interferences from external actors.

Background
In March, CPA produced a commentary on the proceedings of the Commission, highlighting the Commission’s inability to carry out a comprehensive, independent and transparent inquiry into the matters mandated, due to structural flaws of the Commission of Inquiry mechanism in Sri Lanka. Although the Commission did not adopt most of recommendations made in the policy brief, CPA continues to engage with the Commission reiterating the importance of procedural safeguards to protect the Commission’s integrity and credibility in facilitating a legitimate truth seeking process for those still seeking their loved ones, five years after the war.

In July, CPA issued a statement raising concerns about the expansion of the Commission’s mandate to include inquiry into a wide range of issues including violations of International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law. We fear that the primary focus of inquiring into the large number of unresolved cases of disappearances will be diluted by the expanded mandate. Furthermore in September, CPA highlighted the pace of the proceedings and the need for a better methodology to approach the issue of disappearances, now compounded by the expanded mandate of the Commission.

Download a PDF of this press release here.

Liking violence: A study of hate speech on Facebook in Sri Lanka

24 September 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is pleased to launch ‘Liking violence: A study of hate speech on Facebook in Sri Lanka’, authored by Shilpa Samaratunge and Sanjana Hattotuwa.

  • Download the full report here. Download it as a PDF in Sinhala here.
  • Download just the Introduction and Executive Summary here.
  • Translations of the Executive Summary of this report are available in Sinhala and Tamil.

Hate Speech - Cover

The report is the first in Sri Lanka to focus on hate and dangerous speech in online fora, contextualising the growth of this disturbing digital content with increasing violence against Muslims and other groups in Sri Lanka. As the blurb on the front cover of the report avers,

The growth of online hate speech in Sri Lanka does not guarantee another pogrom. It does however pose a range of other challenges to government and governance around social, ethnic, cultural and religious co-existence, diversity and, ultimately, to the very core of debates around how we see and organise ourselves post-war.

The report looks at 20 Facebook groups in Sri Lanka over a couple of months, focussing on content generated just before, during and immediately after violence against the Muslim community. Detailed translations into English of the original material posted to these groups (including photographic and visual content) and the responses they generated are provided. It is the first time a study has translated into English the qualitative nature of commentary and content published on these Facebook groups, indicative of a larger and growing malaise in post-war Sri Lanka.

More generally, the study looks at the phenomenon of hate speech online – how it occurs and spreads online, what kind of content is produced, by whom and for which audiences. In addition to Sri Lanka, policy frameworks and legislation around online hate speech in Kenya, Rwanda, India, Pakistan, Canada and Australia are also flagged in the report.

INFOGRAPHIC: Views From Uva

With the Uva Provincial Council elections taking place tomorrow, Social Indicator, the survey research unit of the Centre for Policy Alternatives has analysed data from field work conducted in May and June 2014 to get a sense of the issues and priorities of the people of Uva as they go to vote.

The current state of the economy has had an impact on the lives of the people in the Uva Province, especially at the household level. 43.4% of people say that the financial situation in their household is a little worse when compared to 2 years ago, while 31.9% say that it is a lot worse. This situation has led to certain compromises in terms of food intake and even medical treatment – with 43% stating that they have cut back on the quality of food they purchase and 28.6% of the households stating that they have gone without medicine or medical treatment in the last year. Almost 90% of those from the Uva Province say that they would like to see a reduction in the cost of living as a result of the current development drive. The cost of living is also the second most important area they believe the Government should pay attention to, with Agriculture taking the first priority and infrastructure coming in third. When asked what they think of the current economic situation of the country, 44.6% believe that it is somewhat bad while 12.5% say it is very bad.

Download high resolution JPG image and PDF.