CPA Intervenes on the Challenge to the Proposed Counter Terrorism Bill

17th October 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers today intervening in the petition filed by Wimal Weerawansa MP challenging ‘The Counter Terrorism Bill’ (The Bill), tabled in Parliament on 9th  of October 2018. The proposed Bill seeks to repeal and replace the archaic PTA which was initially enacted with the intention of being a temporary measure but was thereafter made permanent in 1982. CPA’s intervention in this case is a reiteration of its longstanding position that the PTA needs to be repealed and any counter terrorism measures introduced should be in line with international human rights standards.

In an initial statement made by CPA on the Bill, it was noted that though the proposed bill is an improvement from the existing PTA, it still had room for potential abuse.  CPA thus, through this intervening petition, seeks to highlight that certain clauses are inconsistent with the Constitution.

Continuing Concerns on the Office for Reparations Bill

October 4th 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The second reading of the ‘Office for Reparations Bill’ (the Bill) is listed to be taken up in Parliament on Wednesday, 10th October 2018. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) raises serious concerns with the present form of the Bill and notes, yet again, that the Bill will adversely impact the proposed Office for Reparations (the Office) and ultimately reparations themselves if enacted in its present form.

Despite CPA and others in civil society previously raising and attempting to engage with key actors in government on alternative proposals to strengthen the Bill, the government has failed to factor in key considerations that could have ensured a victim-centred and independent Office. CPA reiterates its concerns with two clauses in particular. Clause 11(1)(g) provides that policies and guidelines formulated by the Office will only be adopted upon approval by the Cabinet of Ministers. Clause 22(4) further provides that any such policies and guidelines authorising the disbursement of funds require Parliament’s approval. These clauses create a total dependency on Cabinet vis-à-vis policy formulation and an unnecessary layer of Parliamentary approval to disburse funds for an Office intended to be independent, nonpartisan and autonomous.

This dependency on the executive and legislature generated by the current Bill will likely lead to a situation of political bargaining, trade-offs and politicisation that will eventually undermine the integrity of reparations and lose the confidence of victims and affected communities. Media reports highlight the politicisation and ethnicisation related to compensation schemes. It is in this deeply problematic context that the Bill envisages further and heavier reliance on politicians.

CPA has repeatedly emphasised the critical importance of reparations in the transformation of societies that have experienced violence, loss and discrimination. Coupled with other reforms, reparations are critical to empower victims, give them dignity and build trust. A weak Office is unlikely to achieve this. Concerns with the Bill’s substance and process and a lack of genuine interest by key government entities to engage begs the question of whether this is merely a box ticking exercise than a genuine attempt at addressing a crucial aspect of reconciliation.

The government will use the present Bill and the establishment of the second transitional justice mechanism it committed to in UN Human Rights Council Resolution 30/1 as evidence of positive progress. The first mechanism, the Office for Missing Persons (OMP), was legislated for in August 2016 and operationalised after numerous delays in March 2018. While some will accept these moves as progress, the frequent delays, inactions and obstructions in actually fulfilling the promises it made in 2015 are sadly indicative of a government that is clearly fudging in delivering on transitional justice. It is not too late to correct course and display genuine political leadership to address Sri Lanka’s past. This can start immediately with the establishment of an Office for Reparations that is victim-centred and independent.

Download this statement here.

Study on Information Requests Submitted to Public Authorities and Responses Received under the Right to Information Act

Sri Lanka’s Right to Information (RTI) Act provides the mechanism for citizens to oversee the decision-making and actions of public authorities. The RTI Act first expresses that it is the operational mechanism of the substantive right of access to information as recognised in Article 14A of the Constitution. Section 3 of the RTI Act outlines the scope of the right to information as an entitlement of every citizen to the information in the possession, custody or control of all public authorities. Section 43 of the Act provides a very broad definition of ‘public authority’. Therefore, citizens will not be entitled to the right to information from any other entity that is not a public authority.

The engagement of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) in RTI Activism dates back as far as 2003, with its involvement in the drafting of a Freedom of Information Bill, which was approved by Cabinet in and tabled in Parliament in 2004, but never debated due to Parliament being dissolved prematurely. Since then, it has engaged in sustained advocacy for enacting a RTI regime in Sri Lanka, including in pushing for the right to be included in the Nineteenth Amendment and in advocating for the passage of the current RTI Act. Since the Act’s passage, CPA has undertaken numerous community outreach activities, trainings and research exercises to educate and empower Sri Lankan citizens to exercise their right to information fully.

The main objective of this study is to evaluate, investigate and identify weaknesses of the practical procedure stipulated in the RTI Act for public authorities and to make recommendations to strengthen the people’s right to information. In addition, the study seeks to shed light on the attitudes of officers in public authorities regarding RTI and the practical difficulties faced by citizens in seeking of information under the Act.

Download this study in Sinhala, Tamil and English.

Initial Comment on the Proposed Counter Terrorism Bill

September 18th, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes the improved version of the Counter Terrorism Bill to repeal and replace the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) which has reportedly obtained Cabinet approval last week. While the process of preparing the Bill could have been much more transparent and inclusive, the final outcome, if enacted in the present form, would be a significant and welcome improvement on the current framework of antiterrorism powers as established by the PTA and a previous leaked draft of the Counter Terrorism Framework.

The new framework proposed by the Bill would represent a much better balance between the liberty of the individual and the powers of the state by establishing several meaningful checks and balances for the exceptional powers given to the state to combat terrorism. While CPA notes improvements can be made to the Bill to make it more consistent with national and international human rights standards, we note in particular that many of the more egregious aspects of the PTA have been removed, or at least ameliorated. These include the removal of the admissibility of confessions (which has served as an invitation to endemic torture and arbitrary convictions under the PTA) and the overbroad provisions having a chilling effect on the freedom of expression. Improvements include the access by suspects to legal counsel, magistrates, and the wider role for the Human Rights Commission, and that powers of arrest and detention are checked by stronger judicial safeguards and lesser periods of permissible detention without charge.

Despite this, CPA is concerned with media reports indicating that some members of the government have expressed reservations about the more liberal provisions of the Bill, and there is a threat that retrograde features might be reintroduced into the Bill by way of committee-stage amendments. CPA has consistently raised concerns with such practices of committee-stage amendments which are beyond the scrutiny of the judiciary and citizens of Sri Lanka. We urge the government to reject these calls, and to ensure that the integrity of the Bill is not distorted or destroyed through unprincipled amendments serving the ends of authoritarianism and future human rights violations.

CPA also urges the government to publish the Bill at the earliest opportunity to enable fuller public scrutiny and debate of its contents prior to the parliamentary stage.

Download this statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Udaya Prabath Gammanpila V Attorney General (Centre for Policy Alternatives intervenient- petitioner)

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers on September 12th 2018 intervening in the petition filed by Udaya Gammanpila, MP challenging ‘The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution’ (The Bill), a Private Member’s Bill tabled in Parliament on 5th of September 2018 by Vijitha Herath, MP. The proposed Bill seeks to make significant changes to the office of the Executive President. In terms of the Bill the President would no longer be the Head of Government and would be elected for a five-year term by a simple majority in Parliament.

Read the full written submission made by CPA here.

CPA Intervenes on the Challenge to the Proposed Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution

12th September 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers today intervening in the petition filed by Udaya Gammanpila, MP challenging ‘The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution’ (The Bill), a Private Member’s Bill tabled in Parliament on 5th of September 2018 by Vijitha Herath, MP. The proposed Bill seeks to make significant changes to the office of the Executive President. In terms of the Bill the President would no longer be the Head of Government and would be elected for a five-year term by a simple majority in Parliament.

CPA’s intervention in this case is a reiteration of its longstanding position on the need to abolish the Executive Presidency. The promise to abolish the executive presidency has received the continuous support of the citizens of Sri Lanka including affirmation at every Presidential election since 1994. CPA has consistently advocated this position and was the only civil society organization that challenged the 18th Amendment to the Constitution which expanded the powers of the Executive Presidency in an arbitrary and anti-democratic manner. CPA also supported the 19th Amendment to the Constitution which sought to curtail some of the powers provided by the 18th Amendment and ushered in key reforms. At this time, CPA thus sees the proposed Bill as the most viable avenue of reform in order to achieve the single most important pledge on which the current President and Government were elected to office in 2015.

Download this statement in EnglishTamil & Sinhala

Confronting Accountability for Hate Speech in Sri Lanka: A critique of the legal framework

Post-war Sri Lanka has witnessed numerous incidents of ethno-religious violence. From Aluthgama in 2014 to Gintota in 2017 to Ampara and Digana in 2018, instances of ethno-religious violence have escalated to the point of property damage, grievous injury, and—in the cases of Aluthgama and Digana—death. Violence of this nature is not restricted to the Buddhist and Muslim communities, as seen in these examples, nor is it a novel phenomenon. Anti-Tamil riots in 1958 and 1977, the events of Black July in 1983, the 1915 Sinhalese-Muslim riots, the 2001 Mawanella riots, and numerous other instances, stemmed from festering tensions between ethnic or religious communities. In fact, the incidence of ethno-religious violence in modern Sri Lanka can be traced as far back as the Kotahena riots of 1883, which involved clashes between Buddhist and Christian communities.

This latest bout of ethno-religious violence has prompted demands for the prosecution of both hate crimes as well as the hate speech that is believed to have led to such violence. As pointed out by numerous parties in response to the government’s attempts to introduce new hate speech legislation in 2015, Sri Lanka’s legal framework already contains a number of provisions addressing hate speech. However, the dearth of prosecutions or convictions under this framework despite the recurrence of these incidences is cause for concern. Inaction by successive governments has also contributed to increasing fears among minorities and strengthened a sense of impunity among perpetrators. The events of the past few years have made it apparent that neither the incidence of hate speech nor the severity of its consequences are likely to diminish without serious and tangible action being taken.

In light of this, there is a need to evaluate the existing Sri Lankan legal framework which provides for the prosecution of hate speech to determine whether the lack of action on the issue is a product of legal gaps; practical issues of a lack of capacity or resources; or other, more complex reasons stemming from the current political context and dynamics.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives has prepared this report to assess the legal framework on hate speech in Sri Lanka. The report identifies gaps in the framework and overbroad provisions that may not curb hate speech, lead to violations of fundamental rights and freedoms and facilitate excessive censorship. The report also fills a gap in the literature by shedding light on the limited number of steps taken to address accountability in this regard despite a broad legal framework addressing the issue. The report accordingly provides a range of recommendations for potential legal, policy and structural reforms. The report reiterates that swift and decisive action is needed by the Government and other stakeholders to prevent future incidents and strengthen the rule of law. The report is, however, not an attempt to document incidents of hate speech, as this task has been initiated by others.

The report begins with a brief theoretical discussion on freedom of expression and hate speech in the remainder of this introductory chapter. The following chapters examine the legal framework pertaining to hate speech in Sri Lanka by laying out the key legislation—the ICCPR Act, the Penal Code, the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Police Ordinance—and examining judicial decisions arising from these provisions. This analysis reveals a number of practical challenges which confront the application of these laws to hold perpetrators to account and thus result in limited prosecutions and convictions. The chapters accordingly provide a number of ideas for action and reform. The concluding chapter collates and summarises these reform proposals to address lacunae in the existing legal framework.

Download the report here.

Read ‘Liking Violence’, CPA’s 2014 report on online hate speech in Sri Lanka, here.