The Centre for Policy Alternatives vs. The Attorney General [SC. SD. 03 /2020] in re the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution [2020]

23rd September 2020, A Bill titled ‘The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution’ (the Bill) was placed on the Order Paper of Parliament on 22nd of September 2020. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed a Petition in the Supreme Court today (23rd September 2020) in terms of Articles 120 and 121 of the Constitution, stating that the Bill can only be passed in Parliament with a special majority (2/3rds of the Members of Parliament) and with the approval of the people at a referendum.

Below are some of the main clauses CPA has challenged through its Petition;

  • Clause 5 of the Bill, which attempts to take away the right of citizens to challenge official acts and/or omissions of the President by way of Fundamental Rights Applications. This would remove the only effective check and balance on the holder of the office of President during his tenure of office.
  • Clauses 7 and 17 of the Bill, which seek to increase the powers of the President in the appointment of all categories of Ministers, the removal of such Ministers as well as the Prime Minister, and in the dissolution of Parliament. This could result in the President having full control over Parliament and derogating from the role of Parliament as a check on the President.
  • Clauses 27 and 28 of the Bill, which aim to introduce a procedure for passing ‘Urgent Bills’, bypassing the opportunity for Citizens to challenge the Constitutionality of these Bills. This limited “pre-enactment review”, contained in Article 121 of the Constitution, is the only opportunity citizens have, to canvass the constitutional validity of a Bill / Act enacted by Parliament.
  • Clause 6 of the Bill, which attempts to abolish the Constitutional Council, and replace it with a system under which the President has unfettered discretion to make appointments to key positions. The Constitutional Council, which was constitutionally mandated to endeavour to make its decisions “unanimously”, provides a pluralistic and consultative approach to appoint individuals to key institutions, which are required to function independent of the Executive.
  • Clauses 6, 19, 20, 21 and 22 of the Bill, which will impact the effectiveness and independence of the Elections Commission. The amendment would denude the ability of the Elections Commission to conduct a “free and fair election”.

CPA argues that several provisions including those mentioned above cannot be passed with only a 2/3 majority of the total number of Members of Parliament, but also needs to be approved by the people at a Referendum, as they violate several entrenched provisions mentioned Article 83 of the Constitution. In particular, CPA argues that these provisions derogate the Sovereignty of the People, which has been guaranteed under Article 3 of the Constitution.

CPA has previously raised concerns regarding the Bill, as it rolls back many of the democratic reforms introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment in 2015, and as it creates an all-powerful Executive President, with minimum checks and balances.

The full petition filed by CPA, as well as the written submission filed on 2 October and further written submissions in response to Arguments made by the Attorney General on 10 October can be viewed here.

Right to Privacy in Sri Lanka

The right to privacy includes the right of individuals to lead their lives in a manner that is reasonably secluded from public scrutiny, and the right to make personal decisions regarding their lives. The importance of privacy and the multitude of practices through which privacy is breached are not fully appreciated by policymakers, businesses as well as the general public in Sri Lanka.

This paper discusses the importance of the right to privacy and seeks to critically respond to several developments in Sri Lanka. It suggests that in order to effectively protect the right to privacy, it is essential to incorporate a justiciable right to privacy within the chapter of the Constitution on Fundamental Rights. However, this alone would not be sufficient as the meaningful enjoyment of a constitutional right to privacy would depend on access to legal remedies, an effective institutional framework as well as societal acceptance of the value of privacy.

Download the full report here

Or watch this video to learn more.

 

A brief Q and A on the Proposed 20th Amendment to the Constitution

This brief guide is prepared by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) to highlight salient features of the proposed 20th Amendment to the Constitution. CPA also released a Statement on the 20th Amendment on 4 September 2020.

Download this Q and A in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

What is the Twentieth Amendment?

The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution Bill (“proposed Amendment”) was published in the Gazette Supplement dated 2nd September 2020 (and made available to the public on the 3rd of September 2020). The crux of the proposed Amendment is that it does away with most of what was introduced by way of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 2015, and reintroduces much of what was in place under the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution, in 2010.

Why was the Nineteenth Amendment enacted?

  • To reduce the powers of the Executive President, and make him/her more accountable to Parliament and the Courts.
  • To improve the independence of several commissions, by, among other things, depoliticizing the process of appointing members.

The Nineteenth Amendment was passed with wide support from Parliament, with 215 MPs voting in its favour (one voted against, one abstained, and seven were absent).

How does a Bill become law?

At present the proposed Amendment is just a Bill, which means that it has not yet been passed into law. There are several steps which need to take place before the proposed Amendment can be passed, and become a part of the Constitution.

  • Any Bill must be published in the Gazette 14 days before it can be placed on the Order Paper of Parliament (Article 78(1) of the Constitution).
  • Thereafter, it may be placed on the Order Paper of Parliament for its first reading. (This will be after the 16th of September 2020)
  • Within 7 days from a Bill being placed on the order paper of Parliament, any citizen can challenge the Constitutionality of the Bill in the Supreme Court (Article 121 of the Constitution). There has already been some indication that certain parties intend on challenging the proposed Amendment in this manner.

What happens if the proposed Amendment is not challenged in the Supreme Court?

The proposed Amendment can be taken up for a second reading one week from the first reading. This is the stage at which Parliament debates the proposed Amendment. Thereafter, at the third reading, it is voted on, and if sufficient numbers vote in its favour, it is passed into law. As this is an amendment to the Constitution and not an ordinary law, 2/3rds of the total number of MPs must vote in its favour in order for it to be passed into law (Article 82(5) of the Constitution).

What is the role of the Supreme Court if the proposed Amendment is challenged?

The Court will examine if the proposed Amendment violates any entrenched provisions of the Constitution (Article 83 of the Constitution). If the Court decides that any one or more provisions of the proposed Amendment violate one or more of these entrenched provisions, then, in addition to 2/3rds of the MPs voting in its favour, the proposed Amendment will also have to be voted on by the People at a Referendum. Alternatively, the Government may delete the clauses that the Supreme Court holds to violate entrenched provisions, and pass the proposed Amendment with the votes of 2/3rds of the MPs.

What is the Constitutional Council?

The Constitutional Council is a body which was introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment, which replaced a body known as the Parliamentary Council which was set up by the Eighteenth Amendment.

The primary role of the Constitutional Council is to maintain and monitor the affairs of the Independent Commissions (such as the Election commission, Public Service Commission, Bribery Commission and the Human Rights Commission). This Council is mandated with multiple roles, with an important role being that it acts as a check on appointments to several important positions, including the members of these commissions (Article 41B of the Constitution), and other offices such as Judges of the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal, the Attorney – General and the Inspector General of Police (Article 41C of the Constitution).

The Council is structured in a manner to ensure wide representation, including numerous political parties. The Council acts as a check to ensure appointments are not at the sole discretion of the Executive President. Thus, by contributing to the appointment process, the Council depoliticises and makes the appointee less beholden to one person or one political party.

How is the structure of the Parliamentary Council different to the Constitutional Council?

The proposed Twentieth Amendment seeks to bring back the Parliamentary Council which existed under the Eighteenth Amendment. The key differences in the structure of the two Councils are as follows;

  • The Parliamentary Council only consists of Members of Parliament (the Constitutional Council has three non – political figures)
  • The Parliamentary Council is most likely to consist of MPs from only the political party or alliances to which the Prime Minister (PM) and Leader of the Opposition (LO) belong.
  • The absence of meaningful consultation with other political parties in the appointment process is a matter of concern.
  • There is no recognition of the pluralistic nature of the Country, as the Parliamentary Council may be representative of only two communities based on the choices of the PM and LO for members No. 4 and 5.

Who will appoint officials to key positions if the proposed Amendment is enacted?

The table below provides a comparison between the manner of appointment of officers to several important officers under the present constitution and the proposed amendment;


How will the proposed Amendment affect the appointment of individuals to key positions?

The Parliamentary Council can only provide “observations”, there is nothing to ensure that the President has to consider these observations. Thus, this will result in a position in which the President, more or less, has the unfettered discretion to appoint persons he/she wishes to these offices. This may result in the politicisation of these positions and affect the independence of these offices.

What is the current position regarding the President’s immunity in Court?

The Nineteenth Amendment reduced the scope of the immunity of the President and allows for citizens to file Fundamental Rights Applications against the President when exercising executive power (Article 35(1)). The President is not named in these cases, as the Attorney General is named to represent the President. Thus, the President is not expected to attend Court like others but he/she will be represented by the Attorney General. Several acts of the former and current President were challenged and are presently before the Supreme Court. These include the 2018 Dissolution case, cases relating to the inaction preceding the Easter Sunday attacks, cases relating to attempts to reintroduce the Death Penalty, cases challenging several Presidential Pardons and the case challenging the granting of the ‘Paget Road Mansion’ to president Sirisena as a retirement benefit.

How does the proposed Amendment affect the President’s immunity in Court?

The proposed Twentieth Amendment seeks to revert back to the position in the original Constitution, prior to the Nineteenth Amendment, where the President is immune from both civil and criminal proceedings. As such, citizens will no longer be able to file Fundamental Rights Applications against the President.

However, the Supreme Court has previously held that this immunity is only applicable during the period in which the President holds office as Article 35 of the Constitution shields only the doer of the act, and not the act itself.

Will the proposed Amendment reduce the Prime Minister’s powers?

Yes, the Prime Minister’s powers are significantly reduced. Below are some examples of how the Prime Minister’s power is reduced by the proposed Amendment..

  • Process for removal of the Prime Minister

The present Constitution does not permit the President to remove the Prime Minister unilaterally. The Prime Minister continues to hold office until and unless he/she resigns or ceases to be an MP (Article 46(2)) or if the government is defeated by a No-Confidence Motion (Article 48(2)).

Under the proposed Amendment, however, the President can remove the Prime Minister unilaterally (Article 47(a) of the proposed Amendment).

  • In appointing Ministers

At present, it is the President who decides on how many Ministers there are (subject to the limitation of it being 30 or less) and what subjects and functions are allocated to them, consulting the Prime Minister when the President considers such consultation to be necessary (Article 43(1) of the Constitution).

However, when deciding which MPs to appoint as Ministers to such Ministries, the President is required to act on the advice of the Prime Minister.

Under the proposed Amendment, even when appointing Ministers, the President only needs to consult the Prime Minister when he/she considers such consultation to be necessary.

  • In removing Ministers

Under the present Constitution the President is required to act on the advice of the Prime Minister when removing a Minister (Article 46(3)(a)).

However, under the proposed Twentieth Amendment, this requirement is dispensed with, and the President can unilaterally remove a Minister (Article 47(a) of the proposed Amendment). 

What is the impact of removing the Prime Minister from these decision-making roles?

The removal of these checks will result in a Cabinet which is likely to be subservient to the President, where they hold their positions at the pleasure of the President. The result of this is the consolidation of much power in one individual, with no checks and balances, when making decisions on behalf of the country.

How will the Cabinet of Ministers change under the proposed Amendment?

In addition to the President being given the sole discretion regarding Cabinet appointments, the size and structure of the Cabinet of Ministers will change with the proposed Amendment.

The Nineteenth Amendment brought in a limitation to the number of MPs who could be appointed as Ministers (30), non – cabinet Ministers and State Ministers (40 in total) (Article 46(1) of the Constitution). The proposed Amendment removes this limit, and it will be possible to appoint any amount of MPs as Ministers.

Another change that will happen under the proposed Amendment is that the President will once again be able to hold Ministerial portfolios. The Nineteenth Amendment, for the first time, disallowed the President from holding Ministerial portfolios. It provided transitional provisions for the previous President, Hon. Maithripala Sirisena, to hold limited Ministerial portfolios (subjects and functions of Defence, Mahaweli Development and Environment as per Section 51 of the Nineteenth Amendment Act). Under the proposed Amendment, the President may assign to himself/herself any subject or function and shall remain in charge of any subject or function not assigned to any Minister (Article 44(2)).

What is the problem with the President being able to appoint an unlimited number of Ministers and Deputy Ministers?

Firstly, these Ministers serve at the pleasure of the President and are completely beholden to the President. Thus, MPs will be loyal to the President as long as the President can offer them the perks of a Ministry and will unlikely be able to act as a check.

Secondly, when the Cabinet of Ministers proposes new laws, it is the Parliament that debates and votes on them. In the event a large percentage of MPs are also Members of the Cabinet of Ministers, this reduces the effectiveness of Parliament to act as a check.

Thirdly, having a large number of Ministries creates a large financial burden on the country.

How do the President’s powers over Parliament change under the proposed Amendment?

Under the Nineteenth Amendment, there is a restriction on when the President can dissolve Parliament, that is, the President can only dissolve Parliament after it has completed 4 and a half years of its five-year term. To dissolve Parliament before that point, the President needs a resolution requesting it to be dissolved, signed by at least 2/3rds of the MPs (Article 70(1)). The proposed Amendment seeks to revert back to the position that was in place prior to the Nineteenth Amendment, whereby the President can dissolve Parliament at any time after one year from the General Elections (except in a few limited circumstances). The President can also dissolve Parliament before the completion of one year, if he/she is requested to do so by resolution signed by at least half the MPs. 

This position gives the President wide power over Parliament, as he/she will have wide powers to dissolve it. This may result in a situation where the Parliament has to function subservient to the President’s wishes or risk dissolution, thus hampering its ability to act as an effective check.

How will the proposed Amendment affect the law making process?

The proposed Amendment results in the following changes in the law making process-

  • Reduce the time period during which the public has access to Bills before they are passed

In the case of ordinary laws and amendments to the Constitution, citizens will still be able to challenge the constitutionality of laws before they are passed in the Supreme Court (Article 121). However, the mandatory time period during which a law must be gazetted before it can be placed on the Order Paper of Parliament will be reduced from two weeks to one week under the proposed Amendment. This reduces the duration of the period during which the public is noticed of a proposed law, before it can be passed in Parliament.

  • Reintroduction of the urgent Bill process

The Twentieth Amendment attempts to bring back a type of law known as ‘Urgent Bills’ (proposed Article 122). In the case of such Bills, which the Cabinet of Ministers must decide is urgent and in the public interest, the President may refer it directly to the Chief Justice for a determination by the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of such law. The Supreme Court is required to give its determination within 24 hours to 72 hours, which means that the right of citizens to make submissions to the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of such law is significantly hindered.

The proposed Amendment is slightly different to the pre-Nineteenth Amendment position as it sets out that Constitutional Amendments cannot be brought as Urgent Bills (Article 122(3)). The Eighteenth Amendment itself was brought in as an Urgent Bill. Thus, the inclusion of this limitation is significant.

Are there features of the Nineteenth Amendment that will not be changed by the proposed Amendment?

There are three key features introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment that will remain in tact under the proposed Amendment;

  • The Nineteenth Amendment introduced the Right to Information into the Fundamental Rights chapter of the Sri Lankan Constitution (Article 14A). The proposed Twentieth Amendment does not take away this right.
  • Presidential and Parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka were held every 6 years prior to the Nineteenth Amendment. After the Nineteenth Amendment both these elections are to be held every 5 years (Term of the President – Article 30(2), Term of Parliament – Article 62(2)). The proposed Amendment does not change this position.
  • Prior to the Eighteenth Amendment, there was a limitation in the Constitution that any person who had been elected as President twice was not qualified to be elected a third time (two-term limit). The Eighteenth Amendment removed this limit, which is how former President Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa was able to contest the Presidential election for a third time in 2015. The Nineteenth Amendment reversed this position, reinforcing the two-term limit (Article 31(2)). The proposed Amendment leaves the two-term limit in place.

Do the criteria to be the President or a Member of Parliament change with the proposed Amendment?

The Nineteenth Amendment prevented dual citizens from becoming the President (Article 92(b)) or Members of Parliament (Article 91(1)(xiii)). The proposed Amendment removes this restriction. Thus, dual citizens will once again be able to contest these offices.

The Nineteenth Amendment also changed the minimum age for Presidency from 30 to 35 (Article 92(a)). The proposed Amendment seeks to reverse this position.

What happens to the Independent Commissions under the proposed Amendment?

The following are some significant changes proposed under the proposed Amendment-

  • Removal of the Constitutional recognition given to the Bribery Commission

The effect of this is that a future government will be able to abolish the Commission with a simple majority (half of Parliament voting in its favour). At present, due to its Constitutional recognition, an attempt to abolish it would require a 2/3rds majority of MPs to vote in favour of doing so.

  • President having the power to appoint and remove members of the Public Service Commission

This would give the President unchecked power over the Commission which would adversely affect the independence of the Commission and have the effect of undermining the independence of the public service. Under the present Constitution the appointment and removal of members requires the approval of the Constitutional Council.

  • President having the sole power to appoint members of the Judicial Service Commission

Under the proposed Amendment, the President may appoint any two judges of the Supreme Court as members of the Judicial Service Commission, without reference to their seniority and judicial experience serving as a Judge of a Court of First Instance. The Present Constitution clearly sets out how the seniority of Judges is to be considered when making appointments (Article 111          D of the Constitution.) The President may appoint and remove such members without the requirement of approval by the Parliamentary Council.

  • Reducing the powers of the Election Commission

The proposed Amendment seeks to introduce Article 104B(a)(i) which limits the guidelines issued by the Election Commission to the subject matters which are directly connected with the holding of elections or a referendum. The Election Commission will not be authorized to issue guidelines pertaining to any matter relating to the public service or within the ambit of administration of the Public Service Commission or the Judicial Service Commission.

  • Abolish the National Procurement Commission

This was introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment (Articles 156B to 156H) and will be abolished under the proposed Amendment.

These are all important Commissions which ensure transparency and fairness within the democratic system, and the proposed Amendment will impact their independence.

Is there a link between the experts committee appointed by the President and this Amendment?

According to media reports, an experts committee was appointed by the President on the 2nd of September 2020 to prepare a preliminary draft of a new Constitution. The Twentieth Amendment is not the draft prepared by the experts committee with the Bill gazetted on the same day the committee was appointed.

Statement on the Twentieth Amendment

4th September 2020: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply concerned by the changes proposed by the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution Bill gazetted on 2nd September 2020 and its impact on constitutional democracy in Sri Lanka. CPA notes that the proposed amendment rolls back democratic reforms introduced by the Nineteenth Amendment in 2015 and are a return to unfettered executive power institutionalised by the Eighteenth Amendment introduced in 2010, save the retention of three aspects of the Nineteenth Amendment. We welcome the retention of five-year terms for President and Parliament, the two-term limit on presidential office, and the recognition of the right to information as a fundamental right. However, other changes proposed in the Bill will set in motion a process that will seriously undermine the separation of powers, the rule of law, and fundamental freedoms. CPA has prepared an initial and non-exhaustive comment on the provisions of the Bill in the annexed Table.

The principal changes proposed by the Twentieth Amendment Bill seek to remove the checks and balances on the executive presidency. In particular, it abolishes the binding limitations on presidential powers in relation to key appointments to independent institutions through the pluralistic and deliberative process of the Constitutional Council. Its replacement, the Parliamentary Council, is a mere a rubber stamp of the executive, with no genuine deliberative role envisaged for its members. It is a regression to what was in place under the Eighteenth Amendment, effectively providing sweeping powers to the President to appoint individuals to key institutions, and with it, politicising institutions that are meant to function independently of the political executive and for the benefit of citizens.

Moreover, CPA notes that the opportunity for citizens to challenge the executive actions of the President through fundamental rights applications has been removed, suggesting that the President is above the law. The checks on presidential power within the executive are abolished by the removal of the requirement of the Prime Minister’s advice for the appointment and dismissal of Cabinet and other Ministers. The appointment and particularly the dismissal of the Prime Minister are no longer dependent on the confidence of Parliament but at the discretion of the President. Parliament is disempowered against the executive by the restoration of the President’s power to dissolve Parliament at will at any time after the first year of its term. These fundamental changes to the constitutional separation and balance of powers will seriously undermine the accountability of government, and pose a significant challenge to existing democratic norms embodied in the Constitution. The erosion of constitutional checks and balances will also adversely impact on the efficient, effective, and transparent use of public funds.

CPA is similarly concerned with the impact the proposed amendment will have on the law-making process, in particular the reintroduction of ‘Urgent Bills’ and reducing the time proposed legislation is open to pre-enactment review. Such proposals reduce the transparency and accountability essential for the formulation of sound legislation, with wide implications for all citizens of Sri Lanka. CPA welcomes the proposal to limit the scope of committee-stage amendments; however as continuously pointed out by CPA over several years, this is not sufficient in the absence of an enforcement mechanism.

Greater scrutiny and discussion is necessary before enacting these proposals that will have serious implications for Sri Lanka’s constitutional democracy, erode the rule of law, and the sovereignty of citizens. CPA notes that such a process must take place with the engagement of all citizens, with information easily accessible on the proposals, and public debate on their implications. A hastily enacted constitutional amendment, as with the Eighteenth Amendment, that tilts the constitutional balance in a drastic manner towards the entrenchment of an all-powerful executive President will only create chaos and long-term discord in the country.

The democratic mandate received by the government in August 2020 must be recognised. However, that mandate must not be misconceived as a blank cheque for the government to do as it pleases. Doing so would only lead to the same mistakes governments elected in 1970, 1977, and 2010 made, and serve to undermine the rights of the citizens of this country.

Download the full report in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

A short Q and A with a breakdown of the Proposed Twentieth Amendment can also be downloaded in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Sama Vimarshi: July 2020

Initiated in 2000, සාමවිමර්ශී (Sama Vimarshi) July 2020 Issue is a critical examination into the timely issues on human rights, peace and conflict analysis, democratic practices, diversity and people’s participation in governance among many other contemporary key areas of concern in relation to the upcoming 2020 parliamentary elections. The journal includes independent narratives from representatives of mainstream political parties in addition to expert reviews on the political situation with the aim of strengthening civil society efforts towards expanding the democratic space in the country. The journal broadly addresses contemporary challenges in the socio-political events in Sri Lanka’s recent history in a timely and unbiased manner, with the primary objective of bringing these issues to closer attention of community readerships, academics, activists and policymakers alike, and of generating dialogue among people of diverse beliefs, norms and ethnicities through a bottom-up approach. 

The magazine can be downloaded in Sinhala and Tamil.

Statement on the Implementation of the Official Language Policy by the Consumer Affairs Authority and the National Medicines Regulatory Authority

June 22nd 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) welcomes the steps
taken by the Consumer Affairs Authority (CAA) to give effect to the Official Language Policy by issuing Gazette No. 2135/53 dated 07.08.2019 (also in Sinhala and Tamil) which was amended by Gazette No. 2156/16 dated 31.12.2019 (also in Sinhala and Tamil). In terms of the said gazettes, the CAA has directed all manufacturers, importers, distributors and traders to print important information regarding the product in Sinhala, Tamil and English languages on all packs, containers or on the wrappers of all articles/goods. These directions will be applicable to 76 separate categories of consumer goods.

Between 2013 and 2018 CPA filed over 150 complaints to the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) and the Official Languages Commission on the basis that important information regarding consumer goods are not provided in accordance with the Official Language Policy. A majority of the goods identified in the complaints made by CPA have been addressed in the above mentioned gazettes. Consequently, all consumers will be entitled to access the essential information regarding these consumer goods in all three languages from 01.09.2020, which is the effective date of the gazettes.

In this day and age, it is of utmost importance that consumers are able to access at least the basic information regarding products in order to ensure that such goods are appropriate and suitable for their consumption. As such providing such information in a language the consumer comprehends, will not only protect the individual’s right of access to instruction in the medium of his mother tongue (Sinhala and Tamil) but will also have a direct bearing on the consumers physical health and well being.

Since 2013 CPA has demonstrated to the CAA that essential information on the labels of the consumer goods, namely; product name, maximum retail price, date of expiry, date of manufacture, net weight / volume, country of origin/country of manufacture etc. were printed in only the English language. The Sri Lankan Constitution recognizes that both Sinhala and Tamil are official and national languages of Sri Lanka, with English recognized as a link language. Therefore, printing information on consumer goods in only English or in only one official language (Sinhala or Tamil) is a violation of the consumer’s right to access to information. CPA’s complaints to the CAA since 2013, were on the basis that the CAA had the power and responsibility to redress this situation and to uphold the Official Language Policy of Sri Lanka.

Despite CPA’s complaints and the numerous investigations conducted by the HRCSL and the Official Languages Commission over the years in response to these complaints, no significant progress was achieved until recently. In 29.01.2020 CPA sought information from the CAA, in terms of the Right to Information Act No. 12 of 2016,on the progress the CAA had made in relation to CPA’s complaints. From the responses received to these RTI requests, CPA was made aware of Section 01 of the Direction No. 68 published in the Gazette No. 2135/53 dated 07.08.2019 stipulating that the specified information had to be printed in all three languages; Sinhala, Tamil and English languages. However, the date of operation of Direction No. 68 has been amended under the Direction No. 71 published in the Gazette No. 2156/16 dated 31.12.2019, and the Directive will thus be effective from 01.09.2020 as opposed to the originally planned 01.01.2020.

In its endeavor to ensure the implementation of the Official Languages Policy, CPA has also complained against the National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA), for not taking steps to ensure that the packaging of pharmaceutical drugs conform to the Official Languages Policy. In this regard CPA has made representations to the NMRA, filed complaints to the HRCSL and filed a Fundamental Rights case [SCFR/102/16]. In a progressive development in this regard, the NMRA issued the Gazette No. 2145/01 dated 14.10.2019 (also in Sinhala and Tamil) directing that from 01.01.2020 the packing of a selected number of pharmaceutical drugs should be printed in all three languages.

Whilst these gazettes signify an important forward step in implementing the Official Language Policy and providing consumers with critical information, CPA recognizes that there is no guarantee that these bold and welcome decisions will be put into action. CPA understands that the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce (Food and Beverage Division) has informed the CAA of several practical difficulties that may arise, as a result of printing all information and instructions in all three languages. CPA also recognizes that the implementation of these directives have been delayed once already and that there is a
potential for further delay.

As such CPA calls on all stakeholders to act in a responsible manner to uphold the rights and well being of consumers. For its part CPA will continue its work undertaken over several years to monitor the practical implementation of the Official Language Policy in order to ensure these achievements are positively and formally sustained at all levels.

Read the full statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Statement on the Presidential Task Forces

June 15th 2020, Colombo, Sri Lanka:

We, the undersigned from civil society express grave concern regarding the establishment of a spate of Presidential Task Forces in the last few months.

Three Task Forces were appointed by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as a response to COVID-19. One has extensive powers to direct, coordinate and monitor the delivery of continuous services for the sustenance of overall community life, another relates to Economic Revival and Poverty Eradication and one concerns Sri Lanka’s Education Affairs. Two most recently created are the Presidential Task Force to build a Secure Country, Disciplined, Virtuous and Lawful Society (established by Gazette Extraordinary no. 2178/18) and the Presidential Task Force for Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province (established by Gazette Extraordinary no. 2178/17), both dated 2nd June 2020.

These Task Forces are established with broad, ambiguous mandates, bypassing existing channels such as the Department of Archaeology, and at a time when there is no sitting Parliament that can exercise oversight in respect of their functions and the exercise of their powers. Furthermore, they were appointed at a time when the country was under a lock down due to the COVID -19 pandemic and citizens were unable to make inputs to express their concerns regarding their establishment. The exercise of extraordinary power during a crisis should be supported by strong reasons. Why matters such as archaeology and heritage were prioritised amidst an unprecedented health, economic and social crisis is cause for concern.

All the Presidential Task Forces have a compliment of military personnel while the Presidential Task Force to build a Secure Country, Disciplined, Virtuous and Lawful Society is composed entirely of persons from the armed forces and police. This further demonstrates the steady drift towards militarizing civil functions within Sri Lanka’s health and educational sectors, development, public administration and even judicial processes following the Presidential election of November 2019. This does not bode well for Sri Lanka’s long-established parliamentary democracy.

The members of the Task Forces are drawn almost entirely from the Sinhala community. Buddhist monks make up a significant portion of the Task Force for the Eastern Province, ignoring the fact that the Province is also equally populated by Tamils and Muslims. It is likely that the interests of these communities will be neglected by the Task Forces and will reflect the majoritarianism espoused by this government.

Sri Lanka’s democratic mechanisms must be made to work efficiently without politicization or resort to militarization. These new Task Forces are structures that are solely accountable to the President and are staffed, not by professional civil service personnel, with the required experience, but by security personnel with no experience in civil functions. They are expected to ‘police’ the civil service and are usurping the powers and functions of the Cabinet and Ministries, which are vital in a parliamentary democracy. Rather than these Task Forces, the Sectoral Oversight Committee system in Parliament established under the 19th Amendment and populated by Members of Parliament from all political parties is a much more independent and efficient oversight mechanism that can respond to the exigencies faced by the country at this time. It is also unclear how the work of these task forces will be financed, to what extent they will duplicate functions of ministries, and the extra
costs and expenditures that this will entail at a time when the need for cost cutting should be a primary concern of the government.

In the context of the pandemic, Sri Lanka is at the crossroads with its economy shattered and it is vital that we build confidence – both nationally and internationally – that the country will adopt rational and inclusive policies and approaches, that are transparent and credible responses to this crisis. The crisis is not an excuse for militarization and militarization is not the solution to the challenges of this crisis management. Nor is it the solution to bypass the Prime Minister and the cabinet of ministers, and the Parliament in a functioning democracy.

Signatures

Individuals

1. Amali Wedagedara
2. Amalini De Sayrah
3. Ambika Satkunanathan
4. Anithra Varia
5. Anthony Vinoth
6. Anushya Coomaraswamy
7. Bhavani Fonseka
8. Bishop Kumara Illangasinghe
9. Brito Fernando
10. C.Ranitha Gnanarajah, Attorney at Law
11. Chandra Jayaratne
12. Chandraguptha Thenuwara
13. Deanne Uyangoda
14. Deekshya Illangasinghe
15. Dinushika Dissanayake
16. Dr. Anila Dias Bandaranaike
17. Dr. Farzana Haniffa
18. Dr. Mario Gomez
19. Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
20. Dr. Sakuntala Kadirgamar
21. Dr. Visakesa Chandrasekaram
22. E.A. Dominic Premananth
23. Francis Raajan
24. Inthumathay Hariharathamotharan
25. Iromi Perera
26. Ishara Danasekara
27. Jayanthi Kuru-Utumpala
28. Joanne Senn
29. K.S.Ratnavale
30. Kandumani Lavakusarasa
31. Kumudini Samuel
32. Maithreyi Rajasingam
33. Marisa de Silva
34. Megara Tegal
35. Nalini Ratnarajah
36. Natasha Van Hoff
37. Nilshan Fonseka
38. Niranjala Arulnandhy
39. Prabodha Rathnayaka
40. Prof. Arjuna Parakrama
41. Prof. Ashwini Vasanthakumar
42. Prof. Maithree Wickramasinghe
43. Rajan Hoole
44. Ruki Fernando
45. S.C.C Elankovan
46. Sabra Zahid
47. Sandun Thudugala
48. Sanjayan Rajasingham
49. Senaka Perera
50. Sharmaine Gunaratne
51. Shreen Saroor
52. Subajini Kisho Anton, Attorney at Law
53. Subha Wijesiriwardene
54. Sudarshana Gunawardana
55. Swasthika Arulingam
56. Thyagi Ruwanpathirana
57. Uda Deshapriya
58. Uween Jayasinha, Attorney at Law
59. Varaluxmy Jeganathan

Organizations

1. Australian Advocacy for Good Governance of Sri Lanka
2. Centre for Human Rights and Development (CHRD)
3. Centre for Policy Alternatives
4. Committee for Protecting Rights of Prisoners
5. Families of the Disappeared
6. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
7. Law and Society Trust
8. People for Human Rights and Equality
9. Right to Life Human Rights Centre
10. Rights Now- Collective for Democracy
11. Transparency International Sri Lanka
12. Viluthu
13. Women and Media Collective
14. Women Development Innovators
15. Women’s Action Network