Short Note on the Resolution Seeking Parliamentary Approval to Implement the Recommendations of the CoI on Political Victimization

19 April 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: On 9th April 2021, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa tabled a Resolution in Parliament seeking approval to implement the recommendations of the ‘Commission of Inquiry to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimization During the Period Commencing 08th January 2015 and Ending 16th November 2019’ (The CoI). The motion is listed to be debated in Parliament this week.

The CoI was established on 9th January 2020 and its final report was handed over to the President on 8th December 2020. Approval of the Cabinet of Ministers was granted to submit the report of the CoI to the Parliament and implement the recommendations of the CoI on 18th January 2021. Accordingly, on 29th January 2021, a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry (SPCoI) was appointed to implement the recommendations of the CoI.

The SPCoI is mandated to investigate the respondents mentioned in item No. 08 of the CoI report (relating to the Anti-Corruption Committee) and recommend whether they should be subjected to civic disability. The Resolution tabled on 9th April seeks to obtain parliamentary approval to implement the decisions and recommendations mentioned in Item No. 09 and 10, omitting Item No. 08, in the Final Report of the CoI.

This would include referring decisions and recommendations made by the CoI on the complaints in Item No. 09 to the relevant authorities, including the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Public Service Commission, the Inspector General of Police, the Minister in-charge of the relevant Ministries and the Secretaries to the Ministries, for implementation.

The resolution seeks the approval of Parliament to initiate criminal prosecution of police officers, lawyers, officers of the Attorney General’s Department, witnesses and others involved in the cases. It also seeks approval for the dismissal of several cases currently pending in court, undermining the independence of the Judiciary and the rule of law.

If the Resolution were to be passed in Parliament and subsequent action is taken, this would have both legal and political ramifications. In this short note, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) makes brief observations on the impact of such a Resolution and subsequent action. CPA will also be releasing a report commenting on the CoI, SPCoI and broader implications shortly.

Independence of the Judiciary

At the core of the CoI, SPCoI, and the Resolution lies the faulty suggestion that the Judiciary did not arrive at its findings during the time period under purview in an independent and impartial manner. This is inimical to both the independent functioning of the Courts and tribunals, as well as the public trust placed in the legal system. If the findings of the CoI were to be given effect to, the decisions of the Judiciary would be reassessed in a process external to the established Court system. This is an unprecedented step and would violate the sovereignty of the People, whose judicial power shall be exercised through Courts[1], according to the Constitution. CPA also notes that this is the latest attempt by the Executive to undermine the work of the Judiciary and this must be robustly countered to ensure each arm of government is able to work independently.

Moreover, this would have larger ramifications on the law enforcement and justice sector in general and further politicize entities required to work independently. This action would open the door to politically motivated action against investigators and prosecutors for carrying out their duties. This would result in a climate of fear and paralysis among investigators and prosecutors, stifling all current and future investigations involving persons of political influence. This would have an adverse impact on victims and witnesses, who may be deterred from coming forward due to fear of reprisal.

Furthermore, the impugning of the findings of a competent Court would also be in derogation of fair trial and due process rights which are safeguarded in the Constitution and upheld by the Courts.

Politicization of the Process

Despite seeking to alleviate incidents of political victimization, CPA notes that the CoI itself has become subject to criticisms of politicization. The procedure adopted in arriving at findings of political victimization, its mandate, and findings have been criticized and challenged by several Parliamentarians and others. CPA notes several areas that raise serious attention including due process concerns, acting outside its legal mandate, and reversing almost all judicial findings pertaining to political matters. This has led to criticisms relating to the politicization of the CoI.

Separation of Powers

If the Resolution tabled were to be passed, regardless of the legal validity of the resolution, the CoI, SPCoI and Parliament would override the judicial process, in violation of the principles of the Separation of Powers and the Rule of Law in a constitutional democracy. If the Legislature will be able to second-guess and reverse decisions of the Judiciary, this would lead to the undermining of the judiciary as well as the usurpation of the judicial power of the people by the Legislature.

The list below includes the complaints in Item No. 09 for easy reference:

  1. Complaints against criminal investigations into several cases such as the case of alleged abductions involving Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda and others, the assassination of MP Nadaraja Raviraj, the death of Wasim Thajudeen, the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge, the assassination of former MP Joseph Pararajasingam, the Welikada prison massacre, the disappearance of journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda and the abduction of Keith Noayhr.
  2. Complaints against the investigations of alleged financial irregularities and misappropriation of public funds in the Divi Neguma Department, the Tourism Development Authority, Co-operative Establishment (Sathosa), the Sri Lankan Embassy in the United States etc.
  3. Complaint against the investigation of allegations of cheating and misappropriation against MP Udaya Gammanpila.
  4. Complaint against the investigation into alleged misappropriation of public funds by former Minister Rohitha Bogollagama
  5. Complaint against the investigation into misappropriation of public property in launching the Carlton Sports Network (CSN)
  6. Complaint against the investigation into the alleged misappropriation of funds allocated for the Tharunyata Hetak Organisation
  7. Complaint against the imprisonment of Duminda Silva
  8. Complaint against the suspension of DIG of the Northern Province for the charge of aiding the escape the prime suspect in the Vidya murder case
  9. Complaint against the investigation into the Avant Garde controversy
  10. Complaint against the investigation into the Rakna Araksha Lanka company
  11. Complaint against investigation into smuggled gold released to the Navy
  12. Complaint against allegations of misappropriation of public funds in the Litro Gas case
  13. Complaint against the investigation regarding the MiG aircraft deal with Ukraine
  14. Complaints against disciplinary action and inquiries against several public officers including chairman of the National Lottery Board, employees of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC)/ Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC), Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, former School Principal Upali Gunasekara
  15. Complaint against accusation of fraudulent transfer of funds related to the Hyatt Regency case

The complaints in Item No. 10 include

  1. Complaint against the investigation into the purchase of a land by the D.A. Rajapaksa Foundation
  2. Complaint against the investigation into the 16 acre land in Malwana alleged to have been bought by the former Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa using public funds
  3. Complaint against allegations of misuse of public funds against Commissioner of the Colombo Municipal Council
  4. Complaints against removals of several public officers due to various allegations

[1] Article 4 (c) “the judicial power of the People shall be exercised by Parliament through Courts, tribunals and institutions created and established, or recognized, by the Constitution or created and established by law, except in regard to matters relating to the privileges, immunities and powers of Parliament and of its Members wherein the judicial power of the People may be exercised directly by Parliament according to law”

Download the full PDF in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

[Also read CPA’s: Initial Concerns with the Report of the Commission of Inquiry to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimization and Subsequent Action here.]

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (Guarantee) Limited and Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu vs. The Attorney General [SC SD 4/ 2021] [in re the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill]

15th April 2021, The Centre for Policy Alternatives and its Executive director (the Petitioners) challenged the constitutionality of the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill (the Bill). The matter is listed to be taken up before five judges of the Supreme Court on 19th of April 2021.

CPA notes several concerns in this brief comment, some pertaining to provisions in the Bill, others on process and broader implications. The Petitioners argued that the Bill violates Articles 3, 4, 12 and 14 of the Sri Lankan constitution and thus requires to be passed by the people at a referendum in addition to being passed by two thirds majority of Parliament. The Bill establishes a parallel administration known as the Colombo Port City Economic Commission (CPCEC) which will inter alia exercise sweeping executive power, control over public finance and to an extent some law / rule making power within the Port City area. The CPCEC has the ability to give entities access to sweeping tax concessions and other benefits with little or no objective criteria. Whilst it exercises these broad powers, the CPCEC is not accountable to Parliament and is appointed at the sole discretion of the President (or if it is assigned to a Minister, by the said Minister).

The Petitioners argue that among other things the sweeping tax concessions granted by the Bill are arbitrary and discriminatory and will have a detrimental effect on the national economy. The Bill directly excludes the operation of a swath of legislation enacted by Parliament including tax legislation, it could also indirectly exclude the operation of the provisions of the Companies Act and the Banking Act in relation to companies’ operating within the Port City area. Thus, the Bill attempts to put in place a framework to create a business environment where a few well-connected entities will be able to obtain substantial benefits and an unfair competitive advantage to the detriment of citizens of Sri Lanka.

Further, CPA is concerned with the speed with which the government is proceeding with a Bill that has such serious implications. To date there has been little to no public consultation on the contents of the Bill and its implications. CPA notes that over a period of several years, including during the previous government’s tenure, media reports informed of the drafting of this Bill. However, no specific information was provided to the public on this. This raises a serious question as to which stakeholders, if any, were in fact consulted during this long-drawn-out drafting process. Moreover, the government is also attempting to rush through the Bill by placing it on the order paper of Parliament just prior to the Sinhala and Tamil New year celebrations and amidst a slew of public holidays. Such behaviour is a clear attempt by the government to prevent citizens from scrutinizing and challenging the Bill, raising concerns as to the intentions of the government.

Amidst these concerns, CPA also notes that the Bill raises other fundamental concerns. This government has been vigorous in its opposition to any international involvement in the protection of human rights in Sri Lanka, terming such interventions “foreign interference with Sri Lanka’s sovereignty”. Despite such claims, this Bill in its present form represents the most far-reaching involvement of non-citizens in Sri Lanka’s economy and would result in far more invasive foreign involvement than was envisaged in relation to any proposed human rights mechanism. For example, it would be possible for all members of the CPCEC to be foreign nationals, an entity that is provided significant powers as per the Bill. Further, the proposed International Commercial Dispute Resolution Centre would also see the participation of international arbitrators and lawyers in the compulsory arbitration proceedings in relation to disputes that arise in the Port City area. It is also hypocrisy of the highest order to accept international participation in entities provided in the Bill and decry it in relation to proposed human rights mechanisms. CPA has previously commented on the participation of foreign individuals in proposed mechanisms in Sri Lanka and notes that the present proposals with much wider implications will require much more careful study and debate.

CPA Statement on the Arrest of the Mayor of Jaffna

9th April 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) condemns the arrest of Mr. Viswalingam Manivannan, the Mayor of Jaffna, under the Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act, No. 48 of 1979 [PTA Act] and calls for his immediate release.

Details surrounding the arrest are limited but based on the statement issued by the Police spokesperson and statements made in Parliament today (9th April) the arrest is based on a uniform worn by several individuals recruited to the Jaffna Municipal Council. The Police spokesperson’s statement alleges that this uniform was “similar to the uniforms worn by the de facto LTTE police during the war” but provides little details on what the similarities are. The spokesperson also states that the arrests were carried out on the instructions of the Minister of Public Security.

Whilst details remain unclear, on the face of it, this seems to be a dispute about the functions of a unit set up by the Jaffna Municipal Council. The Constitution and other laws provide for mechanisms to resolve such issues. It is deeply troubling that the government is resorting to the criminal legislation such as the PTA in order to stamp its authority over decentralized government entities and to detain an elected official on such tenuous grounds. CPA has over the decades noted the deeply problematic use of PTA to detain individual for prolonged periods of time without charge and with limited due process safeguards. It is a draconian law which should have no place within a democracy. Further, CPA calls on the government to respect the democratic process and to desist from using criminal law to resolve any disputes that might occur with decentralized government entities. Such highhanded actions are unwarranted and, as seen in the past, will be counterproductive to the long term peace and security of the Sri Lankan state.

Download the full statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

UPDATE/ 10th April 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: Despite initial media reports that the Mayor of Jaffna was arrested under the PTA, information from court proceedings indicate that provisions in the Penal Code were used. CPA also notes that the Mayor was subsequently released on Bail on Friday night. Nevertheless, concerns raised by CPA in its statement issued prior to these developments still remain valid.

Centre for Policy Alternatives v Attorney General (SC (FRA) 91/2021)

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, filed papers challenging the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalization from holding violent extremist religious ideology) Regulations No. 01 of 2021, published Extraordinary Gazette No. 2218/68 dated Friday, March 12, 2021. While the Petitioners maintain the need to integrate a process of rehabilitation into the criminal justice system, they note that the impugned regulations violate several of the Constitutionally guaranteed Fundamental Rights, of the Petitioners as well as of the general public.

The Petitioners argue that the impugned regulations serve to enable the denial of due process, due judicial protection and a fair trial, and result in an arbitrary deprivation of liberty, entailing infringement and/or imminent infringement of the Fundamental Rights guaranteed under Articles 12(1), 13(2), 13(3), 13(4) and 13(5) of the Constitution. They also argue that the impugned regulations, and the broad language contained therein, entail provisions that may result in degrading treatment of persons and deny persons the safeguards provided by law in cases of detention and imprisonment and thus and otherwise entail infringement and/or imminent infringement of Articles 10, 11, 14(1)(a), 14(1)(c), 14(1)(e) and 14(1)(f) of the Constitution.

The Petitioners also maintain that the impugned regulations are ultra vires as they have not been promulgated by the proper authority and thus and otherwise entail infringement of Article 12(1) of the Constitution. They further argue that the impugned regulations have the effect of conferring and/or transferring discretion required to be exercised (as may be duly conferred upon it by law) by the judicial arm of government, to the executive arm of government in a manner inconsistent with Articles 3 and 4 of the Constitution and thus and otherwise entail infringement of Article 12(1) of the Constitution.

The Petitioners have prayed for inter alia declarations that the impugned regulations violate the Fundamental Rights guaranteed by the Constitution, and that they are null and void and of no avail in law.

Concerns Relating to the Recent Regulations Issued Under the Prevention of Terrorism Act

March 18, 2021, Colombo Sri Lanka: The Center for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is alarmed by the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalization from holding violent extremist religious ideology) Regulations No. 01 of 2021 (hereinafter the regulations) published on the 12th of March 2021. The regulations are drafted in a manner that can further jeopardise the rights and liberties of persons, especially religious and ethnic minorities, and curtail political dissent with no effective due process guarantees. Additionally, the regulations are a clear violation of the separation of powers, with certain judicial powers being transferred to the executive arm of government. CPA also notes that this is the latest attempt to instrumentalize and entrench the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), a law inconsistent with Sri Lanka’s Constitution. The regulations therefore, will have a chilling impact on civil liberties and the rule of law in Sri Lanka and must be immediately rescinded.

CPA is particularly concerned with the provision for ‘rehabilitation’ and its impact on due process standards. Whilst the regulations claim to provide for rehabilitation of particular groups, the application of such regulations would result in the deprivation of liberty of individuals for up to two years (an initial order of up to one year which can be extended for up to a year thereafter) without any legal proceedings being conducted before a competent court. Such a provision would in effect deprive individuals of their liberty without any due process guarantees.

Sri Lanka’s past has witnessed the disproportionate use of the PTA to target ethnic and religious minorities and CPA has over the years called for the repeal of the PTA and reiterates this call here. With the removal of judicial oversight and effective due process standards, the regulations will create a situation where even the limited safeguards provided by the PTA are removed, posing an extremely serious risk to fundamental rights recognised by the Sri Lankan Constitution.

Additionally, the vagueness and overbroad nature of these regulations are alarming and can lead to situations of abuse. For example, little to no details are provided as to what constitutes ‘rehabilitation’, or what rehabilitation procedures are to be adopted at the ‘Reintegration Centres’, which are to be set up as per the regulation.  Further, there is a lack of information as to what laws and regulations these centres may be subject to, in terms of the conditions to be maintained and monitoring mechanisms to be in place. Such concerns are amplified in a context of heightened militarized governance and weakening of independent institutions.

Finally, CPA recognises the need to integrate the processes of rehabilitation into the criminal justice system as a whole but this must be done lawfully, with respect for due process standards, and in adherence with constitutionally guaranteed rights and liberties. These are essential against the backdrop of increased arrests and detentions that take place based on charges of alleged statements to incite communal disharmony.

Download the full statement in English and Sinhala and Tamil.

CPA Statement on the Proposed Bans on Burqas and Madrasas

March 18 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is concerned by news reports of public statements made by the Minister for Public Security, Sarath Weerasekera MP, to the effect that the government intends taking measures to ban the wearing of the burqa, and to ban madrasas that do not conform to the national education policy. The Minister has stated that the underlying rationale for this policy is the protection of national security. CPA believes that the Minister’s representation of government policy begs more questions than answers, if policy in relation to both burqas and madrasas is to be made and implemented consistently with democratic values and the express rights guaranteed by the Constitution and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

We recognise that the protection of national security is a key responsibility of the government as well as a legitimate aim for which fundamental rights may be restricted under national and international human rights law. Nevertheless, in terms of our Constitution and our international obligations under the ICCPR, any restriction of fundamental rights in the pursuit of legitimate national security aims must be prescribed by law, and be proportionate when assessed against the harm sought to be averted.

The Minister’s reported remarks do not specify the legal means through which the bans are to be prescribed by law. The Minister signing a draft Cabinet Paper yet to be submitted for Cabinet approval, or the Cabinet approving such a Paper, is not law for the purpose of imposing restrictions on fundamental rights.

The treaty body of the ICCPR, the Human Rights Committee, in two key decisions in 2018 (Yaker v. France and Hebbadj v. France) has determined that general bans on items of Muslim clothing are not consistent with the standard of protection afforded by the ICCPR. The following extract from the summary of these cases by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights explains the relevant issues facing Sri Lanka:

The Committee found that the general criminal ban on the wearing of the niqab in public introduced by the French law disproportionately harmed the petitioners’  right to manifest their religious beliefs, and that France had not adequately explained why it was necessary to prohibit this clothing. In particular, the Committee was not persuaded by France’s claim that a ban on face covering was necessary and proportionate from a security standpoint or for attaining the goal of “living together” in society. The Committee acknowledged that States could require that individuals show their faces in specific circumstances for identification purposes, but considered that a general ban on the niqab was too sweeping for this purpose. The Committee also concluded that the ban, rather than protecting fully veiled women, could have the opposite effect of confining them to their homes, impeding their access to public services and marginalizing them.

From this it would appear that a policy in respect of burqas in terms articulated by the Minister for Public Security would be prima facie in breach of Sri Lanka’s treaty obligations under the ICCPR. National security cannot be adduced as a blanket justification for measures that would, without more precision in the policy, serve to discriminate against a religious community. Moreover, it is not clear how existing official requirements concerning face-coverings as a safety measure against the Covid-19 virus are to be squared against the proposed prohibition of burqas. This would create a manifest legal absurdity, in addition to religious discrimination and the violation of the fundamental right to equality.

Likewise in relation madrasas, CPA recognises the competing considerations involved in permitting religious education to be conducted by madrasas but within a regulatory framework established by the national education policy. However, education policy including in relation to madrasas is more properly addressed by the Ministry of Education rather than ministries and agencies responsible for national security. To the extent there are national security implications, those considerations should be accommodated as special exceptions to the ordinary norms of national education policy, and then only to the extent that is necessary and proportionate to those aims. Any policy that places, or has the potential of placing, national security agencies as the arbiters of education policy would be inconsistent with a democratic society that values its freedom and diversity as much as its security. In particular we stress that decision-makers in the Ministries of Defence or Public Security are not the appropriate authorities to be making judgements about matters that require specialist knowledge such as the interpretation of Islamic texts.

CPA further notes that issues surrounding the prohibition, restriction, or regulation of burqas and madrasas are complex, and the subject of legitimate disagreement in a democratic society. In Sri Lanka, such disagreement and debate exist as much within the Muslim  community as in broader society. As a long-standing democracy, we should be able to navigate such disagreements peacefully and respectfully, through political institutions and civil society, in a manner that safeguards both security and freedom.

A policy that pays appropriate regard to all these competing democratic considerations would be consistent with constitutional rights and international law, and be based on the widest possible consultation of all relevant interests in our plural society. Such a policy would not simplistically prioritise coercive measures enforced through the national security agencies of the state as the first or the only response to this multifaceted challenge.

Download the full statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Initial Concerns with the Report of the Commission of Inquiry to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimization and Subsequent Action

March 12 2021, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is deeply troubled with the report of the ‘Commission of Inquiry to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimization During the Period Commencing 08th January 2015 and Ending 16th November 2019’ (The CoI), which has this week been tabled in Parliament, and the subsequent action taken based on its findings to establish a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry (SPCoI). CPA will shortly issue a commentary raising concerns with the CoI report but as an initial comment, CPA notes that the findings of the CoI report raise grave concerns with implications for the independence of the judiciary, the rule of law and democracy in Sri Lanka.

CPA has previously noted concerns with the appointment of Commissions of Inquiry as a delaying tactic and its ineffectiveness in addressing Sri Lanka’s legacy of past abuses and corruption. The CoI was established on 9th January, 2020 by Gazette (Extraordinary) No. 2157/44 and subsequent broad powers were granted to the CoI through an amendment of its mandate by Gazette (Extraordinary) No. 2159/16 of 22nd January, 2020. CPA and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed a Fundamental Rights Application challenging these additional powers. At the time, CPA was concerned that these broad powers would empower the CoI to interfere with or prejudice on-going investigations and legal proceedings or impede proceedings which could commence during the mandate of the CoI. CPA notes that since its establishment, the CoI on political victimization has attempted to impede on-going investigations and legal proceedings, and the conduct of its inquiries has been critiqued for disregarding principles of natural justice and for exceeding its already broad mandate.

Following the submission of the final report of the CoI on political victimization to the President, a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry to implement recommendations of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into Political Victimization (SPCoI) was established by Gazette (Extraordinary) No. 2212/53 on 29th January, 2021 under the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry Act No. 07 of 1978. The SPCoI is empowered, among other things, to recommend the imposition of civic disability on persons found guilty of political victimization, with the effect of bypassing established judicial institutions and mechanisms in the implementation of recommendations of a CoI.

As an initial comment, CPA notes with grave concern that the implementation of the recommendations of the CoI would potentially undermine the independence of the judiciary, the independence of officers of the Attorney General’s Department and investigators who have investigated and initiated proceedings into matters of human rights abuses and corruption. Such action will have significant impact in the future on cases considered politically sensitive and further entrench the climate of impunity in Sri Lanka.

CPA is aware that abusing the criminal justice system for political ends is a deep-rooted structural problem within Sri Lanka’s legal system. However, politicized process such as this CoI and SPCoI are not the solution, and will only further exacerbate this problem. Robust structures are essential to enable investigations and prosecutions that are independent and impartial coupled with strong ethical standards within these institutions to guarantee equal protection of the law to all citizens. In this regard, CPA underscores the need for structural reforms and for any individual who claims to be subject to political victimization to have recourse to safeguards of the law within the existing judicial system.

Further, CPA is concerned that the SPCoI has been given a broad mandate that can impede judicial proceedings and set in motion an alarming trend of targeting individuals and institutions that have worked on cases to strengthen accountability and transparency and uphold the rule of law in Sri Lanka. Thus, CPA calls for political parties, religious leaders, civil society and all citizens who value the rule of law and democracy in Sri Lanka to critically assess the findings of the CoI and challenge the SPCoI. CPA also calls for the repeal of the Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry Act No. 07 of 1978 which, as witnessed in the past, has always been used to target political opponents and in many cases to impose civic disabilities. Inertia and unwillingness to counter such measures will only solidify authoritarian rule and set in motion unprecedented challenges to Sri Lanka’s fragile democracy.

Download the full statement in English, Sinhala and Tamil.