Does Sri Lanka Need a Truth and Reconciliation Commission? – A Comment on the Latest Proposal & Ground Realities

This year marks the fifteenth anniversary of the end of the Civil War. Over the years, the government has introduced multiple Commissions of Inquiries (COIs), Presidential Commissions of Inquiries (PCOIs), a Consultation Task Force (CTF) and other institutions such as the Office of Missing Persons (OMP) and the Office for Reparations (OR) under the pillars of truth and justice. However, such initiatives have failed due to the lack of political will of the government to truly address the demands of the victims, specifically in terms of not taking any legal action to prosecute alleged perpetrators and address impunity in Sri Lanka. Despite the numerous attempts at truth seeking in the country, the failure to implement recommendations of past COI’s, has resulted in a ‘commission fatigue’ and a culture of impunity, with little to no progress made towards accountability. In addition, efforts in the past also speak to missed opportunities at addressing the demands of the victims, and is a stark reminder of the multiple times successive governments have re-victimized and re-traumatised victims and affected communities in Sri Lanka. 

Under the government of Ranil Wickremesinghe, the state has once again initiated efforts in the interest of achieving truth, unity and reconciliation. Two legal developments have been introduced in the interest of achieving transitional justice. The first is in relation to the introduction of an Office for National Unity and Reconciliation, which was gazetted in September 2023 and enacted on 23rd January. The second is a proposal to introduce a Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation (CTUR) in Sri Lanka, gazetted on the 1st of January 2024. The present paper examines issues surrounding the CTUR. 

In the statement published on the 9th of January, Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) noted that both bills fail to address the concerns of victims, and raises concerns of whether they are genuine efforts implemented to achieve reconciliation. This is in context where the ground reality of Sri Lanka is currently inclusive of repressive laws such as the Online Safety Act that was recently passed, heightened ethno-nationalism and land appropriation. In addition, successive governments have addressed transitional justice only as a response to mounting international pressure and scrutiny, with domestic initiatives seen more as a token step and an attempt to appease the international community. 

While Sri Lanka’s responsibility to adopt transitional justice mechanisms directly stems from Resolutions 30/1 and 34/1, in March 2021, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) passed resolution 46/1. This resolution introduced the “Sri Lanka Accountability Project”, whereby the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) received powers to “collect, consolidate, analyse and preserve information and evidence and to develop possible strategies for future accountability processes for gross violations of human rights or serious violations of international humanitarian law in Sri Lanka”.  This resolution was followed by the passing of resolution 51/1 in October 2022 that reiterated concerns of past resolutions and recognised the link with human rights violations, economic crimes and impunity. In March and September 2024, the UNHRC will discuss Sri Lanka and examine the progress made on the implementation of these Resolutions. The proposal for the CTUR needs to be examined in such a context. 

Based on the ground reality in Sri Lanka and the lack of implementation of past recommendations by commissions implemented to address reconciliation, this paper requests the government to reconsider whether a CTUR is needed at the present time. To support this, this paper has been divided into three sections. The first section offers a brief overview of what the CTUR bill is. Second, the paper comments on specific sections that not only point to the flaws of the bill, but refer to repeated concerns and criticisms CPA has made in relation with previous state initiatives on reconciliation. Thirdly, CPA takes into account victim demands, drawing conclusions as to why this latest initiative fails to meet the demands of the victims. 

 

Click here to Read the Discussion Paper

Survey on Democracy and Reconciliation

This brief report aims to share some of the selected key findings of the latest survey on democracy and reconciliation conducted by Social Indicator, the survey arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives. The poll was designed to capture the current public opinion on matters related to themes of democracy and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. The survey findings on support for democracy, trust in democratic institutions, public assessment of the progress of reconciliation, and attitude toward constitutional reforms are discussed in this brief report.  The fieldwork was conducted between 4th and 22nd of January 2024.

මෙම සංෂිප්ත වාර්තාවේ අරමුණ විකල්ප ප්‍රතිපත්ති කේන්ද්‍රයේ සමීක්ෂණ පර්යේෂණ අංශය වන සෝෂල් ඉන්ඩිකේටර් විසින් මෙහෙයවන ලද නවතම සමීක්ෂණය වන ‘ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ සංහිඳියාව’ පිළිබඳ සමීක්ෂණයෙහි තෝරාගන්නා ලද ප්‍රධාන සොයාගැනීම් කිහිපයක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමයි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ සංහිඳියාව පිළිබඳ තේමාවන්ට අදාළ කරුණු සම්බන්ධයෙන් මහජන මතයෙහි වත්මන් තත්වය ග්‍රහණය කර ගැනීමේ අරමුණින් මෙම සමීක්ෂණය සැළසුම් කරන ලදී. ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සඳහා සහාය, ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ක්‍රියාවට නංවන ආයතනයන් පිළිබඳ විශ්වාසය, සංහිඳියාවේ ප්‍රගතිය පිළිබඳ මහජන තක්සේරුව සහ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණයන් පිළිබඳ ආකල්ප යනාදි මෙම සමීක්ෂණයෙහි සොයාගැනීම් මෙම සංෂිප්ත වාර්තාව මඟින් සාකච්ඡා කරනු ලබයි. ක්ෂේත්‍ර කටයුතු 2024 ජනවාරි 4 වන දින සිට 22 වන දින දක්වා පවත්වන ලදී.

இந்தச் சுருக்கமான அறிக்கையானது, மாற்றுக் கொள்கைகளுக்கான நிலையத்தின் கருத்துக்கணிப்பு ஆய்வுப் பிரிவான சோஷல் இன்டிகேட்டரினால் ஜனநாயகம் மற்றும் மீள்நல்லிணக்கம் குறித்து சமீபத்தில் நடாத்திய ஆய்வின் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்ட சில முக்கிய முடிவுகளைப் பகிர்ந்து கொள்வதை நோக்கமாகக் கொண்டுள்ளது. இலங்கையில் ஜனநாயகம் மற்றும் மீள்நல்லிணக்கம் ஆகிய கருப்பொருள்கள் சார்ந்த சில விடயங்கள் தொடர்பில் பொதுமக்களின் தற்போதைய அபிப்பிராயத்தை அறித்துகொள்ளும் வகையில் இந்த கருத்துக்கணிப்பு வடிவமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. ஜனநாயகத்திற்கான ஆதரவு, ஜனநாயக நிறுவனங்களின் மீதான நம்பிக்கை. மீள்நல்லிணக்கத்தின் முன்னேற்றம் குறித்த பொதுமக்களின் மதிப்பீடு மற்றும் அரசியலமைப்பு சீர்திருத்தங்கள் மீதான அணுகுமுறை ஆகியன தொடர்பிலான ஆய்வு முடிவுகள் இந்த சுருக்கமான அறிக்கையில் ஆராயப்பட்டுள்ளன. வேளிக்களப்பணி 2024 ஜனவரி 4 முதல் 22 வரை நடத்தப்பட்டது.

 

 

Click here to access the Full Report in English

Click here to access the Full Report in Sinhala

Click here to access the Full Report in Tamil

 

Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 5)

This report is prepared by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives on the findings of the Confidence in Democratic Governance Index (Wave 5).  This poll was designed to capture the public sentiments on the country’s current state of governance and the fieldwork for the study was conducted from 6th to 23rd of November 2023.

Please download the English version of the report here. 

Please download the Sinhala version of the report here. 

Please download the Tamil version of the report here.

Judgement: Centre for Policy Alternatives v Attorney General ( SC FR 449/2019)

In November 2019, CPA and its Executive Director, filed a fundamental rights application challenging the decision of the then Cabinet of Ministers to allow President Maithripala Sirisena the continuous use of the residence used by him at the time, and to cover the costs associated with the house with public money.  An overview of the petition filed by the CPA in 2019 is available here
In March 2022 The Supreme Court granted the Petitioners leave to proceed with the matter and also ordered interim relief including suspending the decision of the Cabinet of Ministers. Relevant Social media content on the mater can be accessed from here
The Supreme Court today delivered Judgement determining that the decision of the Cabinet of Ministers was “arbitrary, unreasonable, ultra vires, illegal and amounts to a violation of the Rule of Law and the Fundamental Rights guaranteed to the petitioners and citizens of Sri Lanka under Article 12(1) of the Constitution”
The Court also quashed (permanently invalidated) the decision of the Cabinet of Ministers dated 15th of October, 2019. The reasoning and the decision of the Court is available here.

Written Submissions filed by CPA against the Anti Terrorism Bill in Supreme Court

On 18th of January 2024, The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu filed a Petition in the Supreme Court challenging the proposed Anti Terrorism Bill that was tabled to the Parliament on 10th January 2024. A Brief overview of the Petition filed on behalf of CPA and its Executive Director is available here

CPA and its Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu submitted that that the Anti – Terrorism Bill is inconsistent with Articles 3, 4, 11, 12(1) and 13(2), 13(4), 13(5), 14(1)(a) –(i), 30(1) and 76(3) Constitution of Sri Lanka and thus cannot be enacted into law, except if approved by the People at a Referendum in addition to a two-thirds vote of the whole number of the Members of Parliament.

The written submissions filed by CPA and its Executive Director can be viewed here.

The annexe to these written submissions filed by CPA on the Anti Terrorism Bill’s clauses on Police Powers and Duties can be viewed here.

Vedukkunari Hill Aathi Lingeswarar Temple

High atop Vedukkunaari Hill in Sri Lanka’s Vavuniya district, an ancient temple stands at the precipice of a religious and legal storm. Revered by the local Tamil community as the Vedukkunaari Aathi Lingeswarar Temple for over 3,000 years, it now finds itself embroiled in a complex dispute with the Department of Archaeology, which claims the site as a Buddhist archaeological treasure named Vaddamana Pabbathaya Vihara. This clash of narratives and claims has ignited a firestorm of accusations, legal battles, and anxieties about cultural suppression, making Vedukkunaari Hill a crucible of faith and friction in contemporary Sri Lanka.

At the heart of the controversy lies the history of the site. Local belief holds that the temple has served as a sacred space for millennia, its existence predating any documented Buddhist activity. The presence of ancient Tamil Hindu inscriptions and remnants of Hindu rituals bolster this narrative. However, the Department of Archaeology argues that excavations have revealed Buddhist monastic ruins, pointing to a potentially earlier Buddhist presence. This interpretation fuels concerns among the Tamil community who see it as an attempt to erase their heritage and undermine their religious claims.

Adding fuel to the fire is the recent incident of vandalism in March 2023. The temple’s statues, including the revered Aathilingam, were desecrated and discarded. While the temple administration points fingers at the Department, accusing them of orchestrating the destruction, the department adamantly denies any involvement. This accusation, coupled with past instances of legal and administrative hurdles placed by the department on the temple’s activities, feeds a narrative of persecution among the Tamil community.

Beyond legal pronouncements, state actors like the police and army have exhibited actions perceived as favouring Buddhist claims. For instance, while the court ruling permitted worship, police allegedly restricted access to the site during festivals, hindering religious practice. Additionally, a recent visit by a group of monks sparked controversy, seen by many as an attempt to assert Buddhist dominance over the site. These actions, coupled with the department’s interpretation of history and alleged involvement in the vandalism, deepen the community’s anxieties about marginalisation and religious suppression.

The dispute has transcended legal battles and ignited wider concerns about religious discrimination and cultural suppression. Protests and condemnations from Hindu organisations and political leaders highlight the simmering tensions. They see the actions of the Department of Archaeology as part of a larger pattern of marginalising the Tamil minority and their cultural heritage. This perception, fuelled by historical grievances and ongoing political divisions, adds another layer of complexity to the already combustible situation.

Vedukkunaari Hill stands as a microcosm of the complex historical and religious tapestry of Sri Lanka. The dispute raises crucial questions about competing narratives, archaeological interpretations, and the protection of minority religious rights. As the legal battles continue and negotiations remain elusive, the future of the temple hangs in the balance. Will it remain a sacred space for the Tamil community, or will the Department of Archaeology’s claims prevail?