Centre for Policy Alternatives

CPA Comms Officer on 1 November, 2024

An Open Letter to the President on the Urgent Need for Governance Reforms, Action gainst Corruption and the Lack of Accountability

1st November 2024

Centre for Policy Alternatives (Guarantee) Limited
6/5, Layards Road,
Colombo 5,
Sri Lanka

President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka,
Presidential Secretariat, Galle Face,
Colombo 1,
Sri Lanka

Your Excellency,

Sri Lanka has witnessed a busy few weeks since the Presidential election held in September 2024 and in the lead up to the parliamentary election to be held in November. Amidst developments on a range of issues, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) writes this letter to urge immediate action with key promises contained in your election manifesto. In a context where Sri Lanka continues to experience multiple challenges and is moving towards recovery from a debilitating economic crisis and cycles of violence, we wish to draw your attention to critical issues that require immediate attention.

The 2022 Aragalaya underscored the urgent need for governance reforms, demanding action against corruption and the lack of accountability that have eroded public trust. In this context, CPA and others have highlighted the critical need for governance reforms to address executive overreach, politicised institutions and the culture of impunity in Sri Lanka. In this regard, we recognise the commitment you voiced in your campaign to bring about meaningful governance reforms, to combat the culture of corruption in the country and to bring about accountability including the abolishing of the executive presidency.

Further, recent events yet again remind of Sri Lanka’s experiences with violence and fragile peace. The failure of successive governments to address the root causes of the conflict has deepened societal divisions, heightened surveillance with the potential to exacerbate existing conflicts and trigger new tensions. This is also at a time when the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) was reportedly used in October 2024, raising concerns of a key pledge you made to repeal oppressive laws including the PTA.

Amidst increasing challenges, it is critical you revisit the promises made in your manifesto and initiate a process of reforms in a transparent and inclusive manner. We note that many of these changes would require legislative action, which can only be taken up after the new Parliament has convened, however we urge that the government reaffirm its commitment to the promises made and take the necessary preparatory action which would allow the new Parliament to move ahead with these reforms without delay.

Governance and Accountability

Independent Institutions: It is essential to place adequate checks and balances on executive power and ensure that independent regulatory bodies are free from political interference. Abolishing the Executive Presidency and having effective oversight mechanisms are critical steps in this direction.
Strengthening Anti-Corruption Measures: Strengthening and full enforcement of anti-corruption laws and policies is essential. We urge the establishment of an independent public prosecutor’s office and clear accountability mechanisms for corruption-related offenses. We also urge the necessary allocation of funds to be made to the existing institutions to investigate cases of bribery and corruption and to initiate prosecutions. We would discourage initiatives to set up ad hoc initiatives to deal with these cases as such mechanisms have proven to be unsuccessful in the past.
Emblematic Cases: Ensuring transparent investigations and accountability in high-profile cases remains critical to restoring public trust. This includes expediting investigations into cases such as the Easter Sunday Attacks and several other emblematic cases.

Constitutional Reform and Law-Making Process

Abolishing the Executive Presidency: There has long been a call for the abolition of the Executive Presidency, and your election to the office of President came with a commitment to be Sri Lanka’s final Executive President. We urge you to provide political leadership and initiate reforms in this regard.
Law-Making Process: We emphasise the importance of consultative, multi-partisan, and transparent processes in law-making, incorporating local expertise and public consultations. We urge that suitable amendments are made to standing orders in this regard.
Full implementation of the 13th Amendment: Implementing the 13th Amendment is the first step to indicate a commitment to addressing the national question and the decades long grievances of minorities in Sri Lanka. We note that implementing the existing constitutional provisions is an essential prerequisite to enhance confidence of ethnic and religious minorities and would reaffirm your commitment to your oath of office.
Legal Reform: We call for reforms to ensure that proposed laws comply with human rights standards, safeguarding against misuse that disproportionately impacts minorities. We particularly call for the repeal of the PTA and the Online Safety Act 2024. Proposed reforms such as the Anti-Terrorism Bill and the Non-Governmental Organisation Bill should be revisited, with meaningful and broad-based public consultations.

Reconciliation

Reckoning for Past Violence: There needs to be a genuine effort at addressing the demands of victims from across Sri Lanka in their search for justice and truth. This should include initiating independent processes at accountability and truth telling with the objective of addressing the entrenched culture of impunity.
Land Rights: Immediate steps should be taken to halt land appropriation and return land to the rightful owners. Political leadership is also required in a comprehensive reparations programme that addresses restitution.
Demilitarisation: Reducing the military presence in the North and East and releasing lands held by the military coupled with security sector reforms will support reconciliation efforts. Steps should also be taken to disengage the military from civilian activities in relation to commercial activities and governance.

Structural Inequalities

Addressing Socio-Economic Rights: Access to basic amenities, including health, education, sanitation and potable water, remains limited in certain regions. Providing the necessary resources and a commitment to expanding infrastructure in these areas will be instrumental in promoting education, public health, well-being, and overall quality of life.
Equitable Assistance Schemes: Concerns have been raised with the distribution of funds through government initiatives including the Aswesuma and Samurdhi schemes. Addressing these gaps in welfare schemes is essential to ensure that those in need can obtain support and start a process of addressing inequalities.
Address the Debt Burden of Women and Vulnerable Groups: Many women and marginalised communities, including the Malaiyaha community and indigenous groups remain disproportionately affected by debt, which restricts economic mobility and entrenches cycles of poverty. We advocate for targeted interventions and sustainable financial support mechanisms to relieve this burden and promote economic resilience among these groups.
Promote Sustainable Livelihoods and Stable Employment: Sustainable livelihoods and secure employment opportunities are essential to achieving long-term economic recovery. We encourage the creation of policies and programmes aimed at promoting stable employment, skill development, and access to sustainable economic opportunities across all communities.

We urge you to initiate the necessary action on the above areas without further delay and look forward to engaging in the furtherance of progressive reforms in Sri Lanka.

Thank you.

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CPA Comms Officer on 17 October, 2024

CPA Statement on the death of Professor Kumar David

16 October 2024, Colombo: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) notes with deep sadness the passing at the age of 83 of Professor A. Kumar David – or as he was wont to describe himself, ‘the original AKD’.

Kumar was a brilliant scholar, an accomplished academic, tireless newspaper columnist, imaginative Marxist public intellectual, and a giant of the Old Left. A fuller account of his many lives, times, and achievements can be read here.

In both his conversation and his written word, Kumar had wit and wisdom as well as the ability to deal with intellectual disagreement with not only a supreme confidence and a gentlemanly civility but also with genuine and unaffected curiosity. While therefore Kumar took no prisoners and gave no quarter in debate, a deep understanding of the grammar of the political – borne of a lifetime of intelligent reading of political philosophies extending well beyond his own tradition – was in his DNA. He was, for example, enchanted by Adam Smith and perennially intrigued by Nicolo Machiavelli.

Attacking opponents with rote-learned assertions taken as post-political truths, with rabidity of tone replacing the quality of argument, is unfortunately now the increasingly dominant style of Sri Lankan political culture. It is however an approach that was far too pedestrian for the intellect and the moral gravity of Kumar and his generation of leftists, who were, moreover, possessed of a vast cultural hinterland beyond politics. An elegant dresser whether in occidental bowties or oriental linens, he was a connoisseur of fine wine, English literature, and Western classical music.

Kumar was a regular and valued contributor to CPA seminars and publications over the years. While our approaches differed, we were agreed on the basic forms of the solution for some of the biggest constitutional questions of our time. We agreed on the need for a federal-type response to ethno-territorial pluralism (or, ‘The National Question’, as Kumar would put it), and on the absolute necessity of the complete abolition of the executive presidential system if our flailing democracy was to be rescued. Kumar was also the progenitor – in 2012 – of the electoral strategy known as the ‘Single-Issue Common-Candidate’ concept which succeeded in achieving the first defenestration of the Rajapaksas in January 2015. In his last contribution to our work, Kumar reflected on this thoughtfully and candidly in CPA’s publication on the constitutional crisis of 2018.

We mourn the passing of a great Sri Lankan and offer our condolences at this difficult to time Kumar David’s family, friends, and comrades.

Download the Statement here

CPA Comms Officer on 14 September, 2024

Summary of Policy Proposals by Candidates for the 2024 Presidential Election

Sri Lanka’s presidential election is scheduled for Saturday, 21 September 2024. In anticipation of the election, many of the candidates have published manifestos detailing their visions for Sri Lanka. In the interest of comparing these visions for the country, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has prepared this document which categorises the policy proposals of the candidates in their manifestos. It was practically impossible to include the policy proposals made by all Presidential candidates in this document; as such, CPA had to limit itself to the manifestos of Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, Mr. Sajith Premadasa, Mr. Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Mr. Namal Rajapaksa.

CPA divided the candidates’ policy proposals into the categories of economic governance, constitutional reforms, rights and related issues, infrastructure and accountability, truth, and reconciliation. We present the candidates’ proposals across these categories in five tables below, relying only on the exact words used in each candidate’s manifesto.

The table on Economic Governance contains policy proposals made by candidates on the issues of Taxation, Procurement, Globalization, IMF and FDI and other economic issues.

The table on Constitutional Reform contains policy proposals made by candidates on the issues of abolition of the Executive Presidency, the 13th Amendment and devolution of power, and other constitutional amendments proposed by the candidates.

The table on Rights and Related Issues contains policy proposals made by the candidates on access to justice, access to health care and education, women and children’s rights, social safety nets and worker’s rights, delayed elections, environment and climate change, and cultural and media rights.

The table on Infrastructure contains policy proposals made by the candidates on infrastructure, transportation and energy and technological development.

The table on Accountability, Truth, and Reconciliation contains policy proposals made by the candidates on accountability for serious human rights violations, the implementation of a public prosecutor’s office, reconciliation, the support and protection of minority rights and national security.

The content of each column for candidates are direct quotations from their individual manifestos on specific issues. Though CPA recognises the intersectionality of issues of many of the policy proposals made by candidates, the quotations inserted have been categorised based on the strength of relevance to the issue and ease of reference for the reader. CPA hopes that this document will be a useful tool for all citizens interested in learning more about the candidates and for anyone who is interested in engaging in a deeper analysis of the key policy proposals put forward by the candidates.

The table containing the policy proposals on Economic Governance can be viewed here.

The table containing the policy proposals on Constitutional Reform can be viewed here.

The table containing the policy proposals on Rights and Related Issues can be viewed here.

The table containing the policy proposals on Infrastructure can be viewed here.

The table containing the policy proposals on Accountability, Truth and Reconciliation can be viewed here.

CPA Comms Officer on 21 August, 2024

Civil Society Appeal on the Abolition of the Executive Presidency

We the undersigned call upon all candidates contesting the forthcoming 2024 presidential election to firmly and publicly commit to the abolition of the executive presidential system within the first year of the next Parliament.

The experience of 46 years of the operation of the 1978 Constitution shows that the executive presidential system has not delivered on any of the aims for which it was introduced: accelerated and sustained economic growth and development; communal harmony; and political stability. Executive presidentialism has only had a negligible impact on development. It has worsened rather than improved peace and stability, by accelerating ethnic conflict and making our political system prone to frequent crises.

The executive presidential system produces these undesirable outcomes because, through its lack of accountability and responsiveness, it allows authoritarianism, corruption, and incompetence to trump the common good of Sri Lanka and Sri Lankans. We therefore strongly believe that this is the single most important reform that is essential for the meaningful and irreversible re-democratisation of Sri Lanka.

While recent experience since 2022 has only highlighted the autocratic potential of this system, we recall that in the history of presidential elections since 1988, there have been more popular mandates than not for the abolition of the executive presidency. Most recently, the people clearly made the connection between this system and the causes of bad governance and economic collapse when, during the Aragalaya of 2022, they called for ‘system change’. The only way ‘system change’ can even begin to be delivered is by abolishing the executive presidency.

මීළග පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පළමු වසර තුළදී ම විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කරන බවට ස්ථිරසාරව සහ විවෘතව පොරොන්දු වන ලෙස එළඹෙන 2024 ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් වන සියලූ ම අපේක්ෂකයින්ගෙන් පහත අත්සන් කරන අපි ඉල්ලා සිටින්නෙමු:

විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය හඳුන්වා දීම තුළින් අපේක්ෂා කළ ප‍්‍තිඵල කිසිවක්, එනම් කඩිනම් හා තිරසාර ආර්ථික දියුණුව සහ සංවර්ධනය, වාර්ගික සංහිඳියාව සහ දේශපාලන ස්ථාවරත්වය යන කිසිවක් අත්කර ගැනීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට නොහැකි වී ඇති බව 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව ක්‍රියාත්මක කර ගත වූ වසර 46 ක අත්දැකීම් වලින් පැහැදිලිව පෙන්වා දෙයි. විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය මගින් සංවර්ධනය කෙරෙහි ඇතිකර තිබෙන්නේ ඉතා අල්ප බලපෑමක් පමණි. එම ක්‍රමය විසින් මෙතෙක් සිදුකර තිබෙන්නේ වාර්ගික ගැටුම් තවදුරටත් තීව‍්‍ර කර, අපගේ දේශපාලන ක්‍රමය නිරන්තර අර්බුදවලට ගොදුරු වන තත්ත්වයකට ඇද දමා, සාමය සහ ස්ථාවරත්වය වැඩි දියුණු කරනවා වෙනුවට එය වඩාත් පරිහානියකට ඇද දැමීමයි.

විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය විසින් එවැනි අහිතකර ප්‍රතිඵල අත්කර දී තිබෙන්නේ එම ක‍්‍රමයෙහි වගවීමක් සහ ප්‍රතිචාරී බවක් නොමැතිකම හේතුවෙන් එය ඒකාධිපතිවාදයට, දූෂණයට සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සහ ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ගේ පොදු යහපත උදෙසා කටයුතු කිරීමට ඇති නොහැකියාවට ඉඩ සලසා දෙන බැවින් ය. එහෙයින්, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අර්ථාන්විත සහ නැවත ආපසු හැරවිය නොහැකි ලෙස ප්‍රජාතාන්ත්‍රීකරණය කිරීම සඳහා අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වන සහ වැදගත් ම සෘජු ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණය මෙය වන බව අපි තරයේ විශ්වාස කරන්නෙමු.

2022 වසරේ පටන් මෑත කාලීන අත්දැකීම් වලින් අවධාරණය වී තිබෙන්නේ මෙම විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය ඒකාධිපති ක්‍රමයක් කරා පරිවර්තනය වීමේ හැකියාවයි. 1988 ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් පසුව දිගටම ජනවරම ලැබී තිබෙන්නේ විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය පවත්වාගෙන යාමට වඩා එය අහෝසි කිරීමට ය. ඉතා මෑතක දී, එනම් 2022 අරගලය කාලය තුළදී ”ක්‍රම වෙනසක්” (”සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ්” එකක්* සඳහා ජනතාව වෙතින් පැමිණි ඉල්ලීමෙන් පැහැදිලිව ම පෙනෙන්නේ මෙම විධායක ජනාධිපති ක‍්‍රමය සහ දූෂිත ආණ්ඩුකරණයත්, ආර්ථික කඩාවැටීමත් අතර තිබෙන සම්බන්ධය ඔවුන්ට පැහැදිලිව ම වැටහී තිබෙන බවයි. ”ක්‍රම වෙනසක්” පටන් ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය මග පාදා ගැනීමට පවා හැකි වන්නේ විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කිරීමෙනි.

கீழே கையொப்பமிட்டுள்ளவர்களாகிய நாம், அடுத்த பாராளுமன்றத்தின் முதலாவது வருடத்தினுள் நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமையை ஒழிப்பதற்கு அர்ப்பணிப்புடன் உறுதியாகவும் பகிரங்கமாகவும் செயற்படுமாறு எதிர்வரும் 2024 ஜனாதிபதித் தேர்தலில் போட்டியிடும் அனைத்து வேட்பாளர்களுக்கும் அழைப்பு விடுக்கின்றோம்.

1978 அரசியலமைப்பின் 46 வருட காலத் அனுபவமானது, நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமை அறிமுகப்படுத்தப்பட்டமைக்கான நோக்கங்களான துரிதப்படுத்தப்பட்ட மற்றும் நீடித்து நிலைத்த பொருளாதார வளர்ச்சி மற்றும் அபிவிருத்தி இன ஐக்கியம் மற்றும் அரசியல் ஸ்திரத்தன்மை ஆகிய இலக்குகளில் எதனையும் அது நிறைவேற்றவில்லை என்பதை வெளிப்படுத்துகின்றது. நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமை அபிவிருத்தியின் மீது மிகவும் குறைந்தளவான தாக்கத்தினையே ஏற்படுத்தியுள்ளது. இது இன மோதலை விரைவடையச் செய்து, எமது அரசியல் முறைமையை அடிக்கடி நெருக்கடிகளுக்கு உள்ளாக்கும் நிலைக்குள் இட்டுச் செல்வதன் மூலம் அமைதி மற்றும் ஸ்திரத்தன்மையை மேம்படுத்துவதற்கு மாறாக மேலும் மோசமடையச் செய்துள்ளது.

நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமையில் பொறுப்புக்கூறல் மற்றும் பதிற்செயற்பாடாற்றல் என்பவை காணப்படாததன் காரணமாக இலங்கையினதும் இலங்கையர்களினதும் பொது நன்மையை நசுக்குவதற்கு எதேச்சாதிகாரம், ஊழல் மற்றும் தகைமையின்மை ஆகியவற்றை அனுமதிப்பதன் ஊடாக இத்தகைய விரும்பத்தகாத விளைவுகளை இந்த முறைமை உருவாக்குகின்றது. ஆகவே, இலங்கையின் அர்த்தபூர்வமான மற்றும் மாற்றத்தகாத மீள்-ஜனநாயகமயமாக்கலுக்கு அவசியமான மிக முக்கியமனான ஒரே மறுசீரமைப்பு இதுவே என நாம் உறுதியாக நம்புகின்றோம்.

2022ஆம் ஆண்டிலிருந்தான அண்மைக்கால அனுபவங்கள் இந்த முறைமையின் சர்வாதிகார இயலுமையை மாத்திரமே எடுத்துக் காட்டியுள்ள அதேவேளை, 1988ஆம் ஆண்டிலிருந்தான ஜனாதிபதித் தேர்தல்களின் வரலாற்றில், நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமையின் ஒழிப்பிற்கான ஆணையை விடப் பிரபலமான ஆணைகள் எதுவும் வழங்கப்பட்டிருக்கவில்லை என்பதை நாம் நினைவுபடுத்துகின்றோம். மிக அண்மையில், 2022ஆம் ஆண்டின் மக்கள் போராட்டத்தின்போது (அரகலய) ‘முறைமை மாற்றம்’ ஒன்றிற்காக மக்கள் அழைப்பு விடுத்தபோது, இந்த முறைமைக்கும் மோசமான ஆட்சி மற்றும் பொருளாதார வீழ்ச்சியின் காரணிகளுக்கும் இடையேயான தொடர்பினை அவர்கள் தெளிவாக தெரியப்படுத்தியிருந்தனர். ‘முறைமை மாற்றத்தை’ ஏற்படுத்துவதற்கான ஆரம்பமாக அமையும் ஒரே வழி நிறைவேற்று ஜனாதிபதி முறைமையை ஒழிப்பதாகும்.

List of Signatories

Individuals

1. 1. 1. Geoffrey Alagaratnam, President’s Counsel
    2. Daniel Alphonsus
    3. Dr A.M. Navaratne Bandara
    4. Daneshan Casie Chetty
    5. Bishop Duleep de Chickera
    6. Anushaya Collure
    7. Anushya Coomaraswamy
    8. Dr Radhika Coomaraswamy
    9. Dr Tara de Mel
    10. Anoma De Silva
    11. Minoli de Soysa
    12. Visaka Dharmadasa
    13. Fr Noel Dias
    14. Rohan Edrisinha
    15. Nirmaleeni Eriyagama
    16. Priyanthi Fernando
    17. Suresh Fernando
    18. Rosanna Flamer-Caldera
    19. Bhavani Fonseka
    20. Dr Rajni Gamage
    21. Dr Mario Gomez
    22. Prof Savitri Goonesekera
    23. Prof Camena Gunaratne
    24. Sharmaine Gunaratne
    25. Melani Gunathilaka
    26. Dr Samanthi J. Gunawardana
    27. Dr Ruvaiz Haniffa
    28. Dr Sanjana Hattotuwa
    29. Tracy Holsinger
    30. Elijah Hoole
    31. Rajan Hoole
    32. Ameena Hussein
    33. K.W. Janaranjana, Attorney-at-law
    34. S.T. Jayanaga, President’s Counsel
    35. Chandra Jayaratne
    36. Prof T. Jayasingham
    37. Tissa Jayathilaka
    38. Dr Nihal Jayawickrama
    39. Sarah Kabir
    40. Dr Sakuntala Kadirgamar
    41. Prof Gamini Keerawella
    42. Dr Harshan Kumarasingham
    43. Jayanthi Kuru-Utumpala
    44. Danushka S. Medawatte
    45. Anura Meddegoda, President’s Counsel
    46. Buhary Mohamed
    47. Manoj Nanayakkara, Attorney-at-law
    48. Prof Arjuna Parakrama
    49. Prof H.R. Pasindu
    50. Dr Pradeep Peiris
    51. Binendri Perera
    52. Dr Jehan Perera
    53. Nadishani Perera
    54. Srinath Perera, Attorney-at-law
    55. Dinal Phillips, President’s Counsel
    56. Saliya Pieris, President’s Counsel
    57. Kalupahana Piyaratana
    58. Mirak Raheem
    59. Dr Ramesh Ramasamy
    60. Prof Ruvani Ranasinha
    61. Ravi Ratnasabapathy
    62. Roel Raymond
    63. Dr Kanchana Ruwanpura
    64. Athulasiri Kumara Samarakoon
    65. Jeanne Samuel
    66. Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
    67. Dr Kalana Senaratne
    68. Prof Tudor Silva
    69. Vanie Simon
    70. M.A. Sumanthiran, President’s Counsel
    71. Ermiza Tegal, Attorney-at-law
    72. Prof Chandragupta Thenuwara
    73. Sandun Thudugala
    74. Prof Deepika Udagama
    75. Prof Jayadeva Uyangoda
    76. Gamini Viyangoda
    77. Dr Asanga Welikala
    78. Dr Shamara Wettimuny
    79. Dr Jayampathy Wickramaratne, President’s Counsel
    80. Anoma Wijewardene
    81. Dr Roshan de Silva Wijeyeratne
    82. Dr Joe William
    83. Godfrey Yogarajah
  Organisations
  1. 1. Alliance Development
    2. Association of War Affected Women
    3. Centre for Policy Alternatives
    4. Eastern Social Development Foundation
    5. International Centre for Ethnic Studies
    6. Institute of Political Economy
    7. Law and Society Trust
    8. Transparency International Sri Lanka

CPA Comms Officer on 20 August, 2024

The Intersectional Trends of Land Conflicts in Sri Lanka

15 years after the end of the Civil War, Sri Lanka continues to experience deep ethnic divisions and has failed to address the root causes of the conflict that halt moving to a post-conflict society. Unfortunately, the decades-long problem of land has continued in the post-war setting, and new mechanisms of State intervention are creating divisions that deter the reconciliation processes. Land has been used to create an asymmetry of power in the Northern and Eastern regions for over three decades, and there is a growing trend of intrusive methods being employed in these regions, triggering fear amongst local communities. Therefore, the report’s objective is to shed light on the multifaceted role of the State and non-state authorities in issues around land ownership, use, and access, and explore how local communities respond to this oppression. It highlights how the State co-opts legislature, Government agencies, the military, and private corporations, creating long-term consequences for communities and for the nation to achieve a successful post-conflict society. CPA recognises a series of key interrelated trends between the multitude of rights infringements, i.e. ethnonationalism, continued Government authority intervention, military expansion, and the profit-making objectives of private entities.

The report elaborates on how the ethno-majoritarian bent has violated basic rights that must be protected. Hostilities are further intensified by non-state actors, particularly by the growing involvement of Buddhist clergy. As noted in the present report, the clergy has entered lands belonging to minority religious communities, and have uprooted, renamed, and re-claimed land as ‘sacred areas’ or ‘Buddhist sites’, despite counterfactual evidence as was seen in Manikkamadu located in the Ampara District, the Chulipuram Paralai Murugan Temple located in Jaffna District, and the Kurunthumalai Aathi Shivan Iyanar Temple located in the Mullaitivu District which is elaborated on later in the report. The use of ‘national heritage’ to solely capture the majority views, demonstrates an ethnopolitical slant of such terminology that contains wide implications for how the nation perceives identity. The increasing involvement of the Buddhist clergy in land conflicts often suggests a level of collusion with State actors, who assist clergy in appropriating lands and providing physical protection through military and police personnel. The report argues that the State’s agenda to increase ethnonationalist sentiment is being supported by the Buddhist clergy in the North and East that have far more political leverage to appropriate land, compared to the minority religious communities. Additionally, the report highlights observations of increased ethnonationalist sentiment, specifically of increased Sinhala-Buddhisisation and Hindutva nationalist rhetoric. Thus, the consolidation of ethnonationalist sentiments is often done by instilling power in non-state actors whose agenda complements that of the State.

The report further notes the use and abuse of legislation, especially within the context of impending national elections and against the backdrop of land appropriation that has altered the ethnic and religious composition in areas historically dominated by minorities. There is evidence in the report of State intervention by agents such as the Department of Archaeology, Mahaweli Authority of Sri Lanka, and the Department of Forest Conservation, among others. These agencies often enter lands that have belonged to and been used by communities for centuries, frequently without notice, to prevent access to the land. Such action sparks fear and threats of violence in areas that have experienced decades of violence. Often, departments utilise the legal framework to extend their control over land, as is evident in cases such as Mullikulam village bordering South of Mannar and the Nilavarai Well in the Navagiri Village, which will be discussed further in the report. The arbitrary and unpredictable nature of State agents’ intervention sparks fear within and among communities as to their ability to live on their lands and continue with their livelihood. Tensions between local communities and State authorities are consequently on the rise.

Even though State interventionist measures have evolved significantly over time, with both historical and contemporary tactics contributing to ongoing conflicts; earlier tactics of expanding military occupation continue to be employed in order to obstruct locals’ access to their lands. CPA’s engagement with cases such as Sampur in the East of Sri Lanka illustrates the dimensions by which the military has attempted to obstruct locals from entering and using their lands for decades. The cases highlighted in the report display the impact of expanding military occupation which often leads to dispossession and displacement, and an inability to restart livelihood, including economic activity. Frequently, the effects of lacking access to land are immense, leading to increasing levels of poverty and alienation, drastically lowering the quality of life. The continued occupation of the military and State agents draws into question whether lands will be returned and validates the growing doubt amongst communities regarding State intentions behind such initiatives. Further, in the context of past colonisation schemes that have contributed to conflict, apprehension remains with new schemes such as the ‘Urumaya Programme’. The full effects of these newer programmes are complex and yet to be seen but require continuous scrutiny.

Additionally, recent collaborations between the State and private corporations, in projects such as sand mining in the North and East, exemplify the severe environmental and economic impacts residents face when development projects are conducted with poor oversight and limited regulatory provisions. The case of Adani Green Energy’s Wind Power Project, discussed later in the report, is one such example. In the backdrop of an economic and governance crisis, land issues capture the willingness to sacrifice the livelihoods of minority communities in the pursuit of foreign direct investment in the country. Furthermore, how State structures enable corporations to undermine land rights, degrade the environment, and extract resources disproportionately with significant implications for local communities will be highlighted.

These various trends are examined through cases illustrated in the report. Overall, the report lays out how land is a trigger for conflict and highlights the urgent attention required from all stakeholders to curb the increased tensions that are developing in the North and East.

Click Here to Download the Report

Click Here to Download the Report in Tamil

Click Here to Download the Report in Sinhala

CPA Comms Officer on 15 August, 2024

The Confidence in Democratic Governance Index- 6

This report is prepared by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), on the findings of the ‘Confidence in Democratic Governance Index’ survey (Wave 6). This island-wide survey captures the public perception/opinion on the current situation of the country, in terms of the legitimacy and accountability of the government’s conduct, and initiations related to economic reforms, reconciliation, good governance, and democracy. The objective of this survey is to inform the current political debate on the views of the silent majority of the country that underpin Sri Lanka’s democratic culture. Thereby, SI-CPA envisages this survey report would contribute to a rich political debate, in the run-up to the presidential election, that is vital for people to make an informed decision at this crucial election. Fieldwork for the survey was carried out from the 1st to the 12th of July 2024 with 1352 sample respondents.

The Sinhala and Tamil versions of the report will be published in due course.

Download the Topline Report Here

Download the Report in Sinhala

Download the Report in Tamil